晝夜無間 詠時辰
請您來觀賞本院典藏,繪有小天使圖案的宮廷珍寶--懷錶佩飾。 💘
👩💻
十九世紀「播喴」畫琺瑯鑲珠懷錶
長4.66公分 厚1.07公分 徑3.32公分
西洋鐘錶自明清之際傳入中國後,持續受到宮廷及仕宦工商階層的重視與喜愛,成為近代中西文化交流的重要媒介之一。設計精巧,可供隨身佩戴的懷錶,不僅具有計時功能,也是彰顯身份,可供玩賞收藏的貴重物品。
錶面採白色琺瑯地,羅馬字雙套三針式,錶殼內鑄刻皇冠形圈飾,內有中文「播喴」二字,係瑞士製錶家族Bovet 的中譯廠牌名稱。
此組對錶的琺瑯圖案,以三名模樣可愛的小愛神邱比特為主體,其中一名雙手高舉果實滿盈的花籃,身繞飄帶自天而降,另二名坐臥相依,四周環繞盛開的紅白玫瑰與姿態各異、筆觸生動的多色花卉。👨💻
來展場走一趟,親眼目睹,讓您喜逐顏開。
更多訊息:
https://theme.npm.edu.tw/selection/Article.aspx?sNo=04009166
https://theme.npm.edu.tw/exh103/a_carland_of_treasures/ch/ch02.html
👩💻
Pair of "Bovet" pocket watches with pearls and painted enamel, 19th century
Ever since they were brought to China during the Ming and Qing eras, western clocks and watches were held in high esteem and much beloved by the imperial court, government officials, and merchant class, and they eventually became an important medium for cultural interaction between China and the west during the modern era. Pocket watches, with their intricate design and wearable nature, became not only a convenient instrument for telling the time, but also a status symbol and precious collectable.
The watch face is made of white enamel, with two sets of Roman numerals and three hands. On the inner side of the watch case, a circular crown marking can be found, within which the Chinese characters “Bo Wei” spell out the Chinese translation for “Bovet”, the Swiss family of luxury watchmakers.
💘The enamel imagery of this pair of pocket watches centers on three adorable cupids, one of which holds aloft in both hands a floral basket overflowing with fruit, while a sash weaves around his body and drapes from the sky, while the other two sit nestled against each other. The cupids are surrounded by red and white roses in full bloom, as well as other vividly depicted flowers of many forms and hues. Wash techniques are employed to give an air of soft beauty to the clouds and sky in the background, and the rich light and dark contrasts lend a three-dimensional effect to the hair and skin of the cupids, as well as the surrounding flowers and leaves.👨💻
More information:
https://theme.npm.edu.tw/selection/Article.aspx?sNo=04009166&lang=2#inline_content_intro
https://theme.npm.edu.tw/exh103/a_carland_of_treasures/en/en02.html
https://theme.npm.edu.tw/exh103/a_carland_of_treasures/ja/ja02.html
#故宮典藏精選 #NPM_Selections
#NPM_Open_Data
#當期展覽_院藏珍玩精華
#Current_Exhibits_Masterpieces_of_Precious_Crafts_in_the_Museum_Collection
同時也有2部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過4,580的網紅極龍xDraGon,也在其Youtube影片中提到,================================== 影片資料 : Mod : -Optifine -BattyCoordinates -Spinner Mod -KeyStroke Mod -5 ZIG Mod -AutoTip + AutoGG -FastChat -Sk1e...
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side effect中文 在 阿甘的美國大冒險 Facebook 的精選貼文
美國人以前常被批評不看非英語電影和電視節目, 不愛看字幕。說實在, 美國人接觸到的機會很少啊, 一般有線電視頻道根本不會播外語片, 主流電影院也幾乎不碰。哪像台灣人從小就習慣看好萊塢影片和美國影集配中文字幕, 連講國語的節目都打上字幕呢! 不過, 由於串流平台的盛行, 情況正在改變中。
串流平台如 Netflix 和 Amazon Prime 上面有數不清的外語影集、電影 甚至實境節目, 美國觀眾打開電視機就可以看, 不用多花錢, 更不用花時間去找。加上疫情阻擾了許多新劇集的製作, 精彩的外國節目剛好可以填補缺口....... 總總原因讓越來越多美國人開始聽外語讀字幕了。
最近一年來的晚上幾乎都在家裡, 沒地方好去, 阿甘也看了蠻多部非英語作品, 像是:
韓劇屍戰朝鮮 (個人評分: C; 場景換到古代朝鮮, 殭屍也沒有變比較可愛, 好噁心)
西班牙劇 La casa de papel 紙房子 (個人評分 A-; 高潮迭起, 人物個性鮮明)
西班牙劇Elite 菁英殺機 (個人評分 A-; 劇情誇張但張力十足, 議題多元 )
西班牙劇 Gran Hotel (個人評分 C; 要角顏值高, 但情節老套愚蠢, 汙辱觀眾智商)
法國劇 Lupin 亞森羅蘋 (個人評分 C+; 創新有餘, 很多套路過於牽強)
三部瑞典電影 Dragon Tattoo Trilogy 龍紋身女孩三部曲 (個人評分 B+; 不同於好萊塢手法, 昏沉的色調和較慢的節奏, 觀眾更融入瑞典情境)
你最近看了哪些非英語劇集或電影呢? 推薦一下吧!
side effect中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最讚貼文
【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】
***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated,將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像:以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文(https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/)翻譯成英文,鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演,在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***
中文精簡版本:https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/
Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.
In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.
The possibility of realizing legislative majority
Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.
The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?
Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.
Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.
Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority
To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.
While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.
Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.
Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.
Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP
What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.
Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.
The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.
Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution
Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.
Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.
The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.
All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.
https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw
side effect中文 在 極龍xDraGon Youtube 的最佳解答
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影片資料 :
Mod :
-Optifine
-BattyCoordinates
-Spinner Mod
-KeyStroke Mod
-5 ZIG Mod
-AutoTip + AutoGG
-FastChat
-Sk1er Level Head
-Orange 1.7 Animation
Server IP : mc.hypixel.net
==================================
影片簡介 :
每位玩家一開始會有屬於自己的空島
可以在自己島拿物資或偷襲其他人
但刺激之處就是島與島有虛空
可以利用遠程武器把人扔進虛空
玩家也可選擇去中島
這裡有大量OP物資
令勝利機會大增
也可以運用不同的KITS(技能)及PERK(效果)
最後誰為生存者是勝利
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相關影片 :
【傳說對決】那隻打野角色清野最快?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bvPHjdMhjIM
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當個創世神‐如果指尖陀螺被新增到遊戲中〖中文字幕〗
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=V__o-gEamjw
==================================
相關資訊 :
烈火工作室 FB專頁 : https://www.facebook.com/blazesStudio.com.hk/
烈火工作室 YT頻道 : https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCLMUoGrulEOgRLccXFvqGuw
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手機規格 :
CPU / 處理器 : Snapdragon 625 CPU
GPU / 顯示卡 : Adreno 506
OS / 操作系統 : Android 6.0
RAM / 臨時存取 : 4GB
Storage / 儲存空間 : 64GB ROM+32GB Micro SD
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電腦規格 :
CPU / 處理器 : Intel Core™ I7-7700 3.60GHz
GPU / 顯示卡 : Forsa GeForce GTX 1060 3GB Fury OC
MotherBoard / 主機版 : Gigabyte GA-B250M Gaming
RAM / 臨時存取 : KingSton DDR4 2133MHz 8GB x2
Storage / 儲存空間 : Toshiba 2TB 7200rpm
Mouse / 滑鼠 : Keve 光電機械遊戲鼠標
KeyBoard / 鍵盤 : Kinbas 背光遊戲鍵盤
HeadPhone / 耳機 : Sades 賽德斯狼靈遊戲耳機
MousePad / 滑鼠墊 : 漫無止境 動漫遊戲滑鼠墊
魯大師跑分 : 244671分
==================================
BGM : Side Path
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拍片程式 : OBS
剪片程式 : 威力導演
繪圖程式 : Photoshop
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感謝收看~
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side effect中文 在 W. BabyShadow Youtube 的最讚貼文
小 影 BabyShadow ™ | TRAVEL
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本身原定可以出的行李片,由於身體不適推遲了,很抱歉大家幾乎一個月沒有上載新影片♡很想念大家的說
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Sunplay 超保濕水感防曬露
Sunplay 超保濕水感防曬噴霧
It's SkinPRESTIGE蝸牛精華面貼
For beloved one寵愛之名亮白淨化生物纖維面膜
Etude House髮膜
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可愛的蛋黃哥頸枕
小飾品
夾髮器
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Canon 700D
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謝謝Ronald San提供中文字幕! 不會廣東話的朋友也可以即時看囉
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