關於 take effect 中文 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

今天早上八點我在峇里島的好鄰居S在從市場騎車回家的路上被兩個本地人攻擊，出了車禍，為了他背包邊上放的手機。

S人是沒外傷，但後腰嚴重閃到，從我們把他抬上卡車載回來後已經躺在床上快八小時，連上個廁所都要需要幫忙。

我有猶豫要不要寫這件事，因為不想讓親朋好友擔心，但我決定我必須要用中文表達我的現實。（我已經在自己臉書上念很久了😂）

我自己騎車一向是相信有巨大的光環在保護我（😂），看到有人離我太近也是馬上閃開。也幾乎不背任何包包騎車（因為從小我爸就曾經跟我說在我老家附近會有人騎車拿刀砍其他機車騎士劫財。）

但這篇文章跟搶劫無關，這篇文章跟病毒有關。

follow這個粉絲頁一陣子的人，應該都知道我常說，你相信什麼，什麼就是真的。我知道因著這個信念而自癒和轉變人生的人太多了，這是個不爭的事實，這病毒當然也不例外。

我從病毒在年初出現時，就一直是認為所有的一切都應該要照常進行，生活應該要正常前進。

我不認為這病毒是假的，事實上，我身邊的人（包括T）在一月底的時候幾乎都中標，症狀都跟武漢肺炎的建議症狀一樣。T在床上躺了七天掉了七公斤，咳嗽咳到快死。那時，整件事還沒被渲染得這麼誇張，印尼也還沒有封鎖國界。

我覺得強制戴口罩是件非常蠢的事（There I said it.）在全世界都在稱讚台灣防疫做得有多好時，我也是抱著保留的態度（直到現在也還是，因為我知道這背後有更多的政治操弄，包括美國選舉、BLM, 香港發生的事情還有和中國之間的關係 ... 台灣只是個好棋。）

對我來說，口罩就跟你口袋裡面放一顆lucky rock的效果沒什麼兩樣。

對就是個lucky rock.

如果這新流感真的那麼可怕，那我應該要看到人在路邊死掉，口罩也應該要被放進特製的垃圾桶裡銷毀處理。

但為什麼新聞報的人都是在醫院裡面死掉？

如果這個新流感的傳染力真的強到自己一個人開車都要戴口罩，人跟人之間還要保持6 ft的距離，那為什麼還需要插一根棒子到你的後腦勺（對我誇張），應該吐口水就可以測了。

我不是醫生也不是科學家，但同時我也無法完全相信醫生和所謂的科學家，畢竟不久之前，醫生都還在幫煙草公司業配。

還有如果你在期待疫苗出現這一切就會結束，那也是業配中毒很深。

大家聽到可能有0.1的機率會死掉就通通都瘋了，但平常一樣在吃垃圾食物跟喝高糖份飲料跟加工食品，抽煙喝酒。平常沒在在乎健康，這時就通通都變成health experts.

這整個事件就是個局。

在我的現實裡，這病毒就是個新流感，是人類的對於未知的恐懼將它的力量無限上綱。口罩在台灣「有用」是因為亞洲人集體「相信」口罩有用，就是placebo effect.

T三十年沒進過任何醫院，包括他幾年前金黃葡萄球菌感染也沒去差點死掉，但他治好自己只因為一個信念 —— 那就是我們的人體有個東西叫做「免疫系統」，還有大自然已經提供給我們所有我們需要的東西，包括藥物。（他喝自己的尿一週然後每天中午到太陽底下殺菌，就這樣而已。）

我幾個月前剛開始在自己臉書上分享我的現實時，有非常多活在不同現實的人想要來教育我，很多都是「高知識份子。」

我記得那時有一個在紐約的大學同學跟我說「如果你是在擔心封鎖會影響經濟，我告訴你不用擔心經濟，健康更重要。」

wow, 這是要多privileged的人才可以講出這種話，我們真的活在平行時空，我整個笑了，然後直接刪好友😂 當然我也意識到她說出的話完全是以前的我會講出的話，也因此才會讓我不適。（然後再刪四百人沒誇張，那時我忽然意識到我允許多少根本跟我生活沒有關聯的人在我臉書出沒。）

在台灣可能很無感，但在印尼，尤其是以旅遊業為主的峇里島完全是進入死寂狀態。很多人可能沒有辦法想像在這裡的人，尤其是本地人現在生活得有多辛苦，把身段放得多低，只是為了賺一點錢。

多少國家的小型企業被強制關閉，但大企業營業的很開心 —— 這背後邏輯是什麼（沒有。）

貧窮帶來犯罪率（當然也可以不必），但這是我覺察到的事（但不是我個人現實），這也是為什麼摩托車搶劫事件開始越來越多（至少是我先入為主的認為。）

我認識因為這個新流感鳥政策下自殺的人，比我認識因為這個新流感而死亡的人還要多。

回到我鄰居S的車禍事件，最讓我感恩的就是所有參與在這其中的人每個人都是選擇在意外中看見需要學習的事，包括S本人，第一個念頭都是馬上問『我的什麼信念創造了這個現實？』

上篇文我提到的3D和5D世界，我說地球和人類世界正在往5D前進，這個新流感無疑是契機。

它迫使這世界上的很多人必須要自我探索、面對自己的黑暗面，因為無法再靠不斷旅行和其他外在的影響力（工作、社交活動等等）來分散注意力。

過得了這關的人就過得了，過不了（不管是哪種原因），就會以不同的型式來協助人類意識的進化。

3D的世界是對立、是戰爭、是好vs惡，是對與錯，是黑暗和光明，是加害者受害者意識。

5D的世界就是中立、愛與和平 —— 這不是代表你不會經歷不舒服的情緒，而是這些情緒不會take over you.

因為你知道你是創造者。

所以同樣的，這場「局」也是我們人類集體意識所設計出來的，至於要如何選擇下一步，操之在己。

要不要結束這場鬧劇，就是在你想要選擇怎樣的未來而已。我會持續在每個日子裡實踐我相信的每件事，持續敘述我的現實。

喔對了，還有愛國情操是兩面刃，請小心使用。

【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

【法政匯思就社會進一步動盪的聲明】
【Statement on Further Escalation of Social Unrest】
// 當體制構建不能保障市民應有的追索權，暴力兼「私了」必如落山流水跟著來，這已清晰可見。僅說無諾，何能「止暴制亂」？
// Where the system fails to provide proper recourse, vigilantism and violence proclaiming self-defence arise as simple cause and effect. Without any real commitment by the Government to de-escalate and defuse the political crisis, verbal condemnation and physical crackdown will do nothing to ‘stop violence and curb disorder’.
https://www.facebook.com/…/a.455221741311…/1474268236073377/

【法政匯思就社會進一步動盪的聲明】
【Statement on Further Escalation of Social Unrest】(Scroll for English)

1. 近日，警隊的行為就如國際特赦組織所言越見低劣。[1] 這皆因政府漠視其專家提供的建議，並以歇斯底里、毫無章法可言的策略回應持續的動盪。

2. 五個月來，政府持續容許以下情況發生，對警政問題及根本的政治危機藥石亂投：
a. 阻礙救護人員前往現場拯救傷者；[2]
b. 偏頗地處理強姦或酷刑對待被拘留人士的指控；[3]
c. 肆無忌憚地濫用武力；[4]
d. 以諸多藉口為警察的失控或報復行為辯解。[5]

3. 法政匯思強烈譴責警隊濫用武力，及其本末倒置、往往為社區添煩添亂的驅散示威者行動。警方在十一月十一日於香港中文大學（「中大」）、香港理工大學及香港大學等驅散非法集結及/或堵路行為的行動，指稱的事實根據惹人非議。[6] 在撰寫此聲明之時，警方甚至以催淚彈及橡膠子彈回應中大校長的善意，與學生發生激烈衝突，造成最少60人受傷及多人被捕。[7]

4. 歸根究底，現有的制度未能公正地調查涉及警務人員的刑事指控，乃是警民衝突的源頭。樂觀地看，這可能只是個別調查人員的疏忽；悲觀地看，這反映一種互相包庇的文化，可能已由員佐級警員到警務處處長、保安局局長甚至特首，滲透警隊及政府上下。無論是哪一個情況，這種警察橫行無忌的觀感已經令公眾對負責調查大部分罪行的警察的信任蕩然無存。這個缺口一開，刑事司法制度剩下非常有限的能力，處理失職警員。

5. 法政匯思繼續呼籲香港政府成立獨立調查委員會，調查包括六月份以來政府的治安管理手段。除了將肇事者繩之於法外，更重要的是全面檢閱香港警隊以達至結構上的改革。至今，特區政府對於這個明顯又實際的選擇不屑一顧，堅持讓一個缺乏監察權力的獨立監察警方處理投訴委員會（「監警會」）[8] 去調查警察投訴及內部調查科。這正正就是問題根源所在。

6. 監警會委派的國際專家組就這個問題發表《進展報告》。國際專家組與政府持相反意見。他們批評監警會在結構上欠缺全面調查權力，對監警會這一個輕型、監管式的體制是否能夠做出決定性的貢獻表示懷疑，更指出下一步的可能性諸如「委派一個享有所需權力的獨立調查機構以作更深程度及更廣泛的調查」，意味著一個獨立調查委員會。[9]

7. 對於近數星期暴力頻頻，政府沒有採取任何行動，只是堅拒示威者的訴求（包括成立獨立調查委員會），更稱他們為「人民的敵人」。[10] 警員們多月來非人化地濫稱示威者為「曱甴」。[11]

8. 法政匯思絕對不認同法外制裁。此立場於七月二十五日之聲明已表明。然而，當體制構建不能保障市民應有的追索權，暴力兼「私了」必如落山流水跟著來，這已清晰可見。僅說無諾，何能「止暴制亂」？

法政匯思
2019年11月15日
(PDF: https://tinyurl.com/tt2nzmr)

1. Police conduct has seen, in the words of Amnesty International, ‘another shocking low’ [1] in recent days as the Government ignored constructive feedback by its own experts and hysterically responded to the ongoing unrest without any rational strategy.

2. In particular, these allegations point to a wanton failure on the part of the Government to properly approach policing and the underlying political crisis, now in its 5th month:

a. Obstructing rescuers and ambulances from accessing the injured; [2]
b. Unfair handling of allegations of rape and torture in custody; [3]
c. Unapologetic excesses in its use of force; [4] and
d. Evasive defence of police officers acting impulsively or in retaliation. [5]

3. The Progressive Lawyers Group (the ‘PLG’) vehemently condemns the Police regarding their excessive use of force and dispersal operations which often create the chaos sought to be quelled. On 11 November, the police conducted operations in, amongst others, the Chinese University of Hong Kong (‘CUHK’), the Polytechnic University of Hong Kong and the University of Hong Kong to disperse unlawful assemblies and/or obstruction of traffic, [6] the factual basis of which has been doubted by many. As at the drafting of this Statement, as riot police responded to an olive branch by the CUHK Vice-Chancellor with tear gas and rubber bullets, severe clashes between students and riot police at CUHK are ongoing with at least 60 injured and dozens arrested. [7]

4. Nonetheless, the crux of the problem remains in the institutional failure to investigate criminal allegations involving police officers impartially. At best, it could be an omission by individual police officers in their execution of duty. At worst, it could be a culture that acquiesces and conceals wrongdoings affecting grassroot constables, the Commissioner of Police, the Secretary for Security and the Chief Executive alike. Whichever the case may be, this perception of impunity breaches the trust and confidence the public reposes in the police who are tasked with investigating most offences. With this link broken, there remains very limited recourse in the criminal justice system against rogue officers.

5. The PLG continues to call on the Hong Kong Government to appoint a Commission of Inquiry regarding, amongst others, the current approach to policing social unrest since June. Bringing wrongdoers to justice aside, the more important task is a holistic review on the Police Force and a roadmap to structural reforms. So far, the Government brushed aside this obvious and pragmatic option, insisting upon an inquiry by the Independent Police Complaints Council (‘IPCC’) [8] whose (lack of) oversight over the Complaints Against Police Office (‘CAPO’) is the very issue at the heart of the current saga.

6. Curiously, the International Expert Panel of the IPCC appointed for advice on that very inquiry seems to hold a contrary view. In their Position Statement Report of Progress, the experts pointed out ‘structural limitations in the scope and powers of the IPCC Inquiry’ and noted that ‘it remains to be seen whether a light touch, oversight body like the IPCC, can make sufficient progress to produce any decisive contribution…’ It also identified a possible next step such as ‘a deeper more comprehensive inquiry in a number of respects by an independent body with requisite powers’, alluding to a Commission of Inquiry. [9]

7. In response to the extraordinary brutalities these few weeks, the Government did nothing but maintain that it will not yield to the protesters’ demands (including an independent Commission of Inquiry) and call them ‘enemies of the people’. [10] It has not helped that the police have for months been blatantly using such a dehumanising term as ‘cockroaches’ to refer to protesters [11].

8. The PLG stands by our Statement on 25 July 2019 and does not encourage citizens to take justice into their own hands. However, it is obvious by now that where the system fails to provide proper recourse, vigilantism and violence proclaiming self-defence arise as simple cause and effect. Without any real commitment by the Government to de-escalate and defuse the political crisis, verbal condemnation and physical crackdown will do nothing to ‘stop violence and curb disorder’.

The Progressive Lawyers Group
15 November 2019
(PDF version: https://tinyurl.com/tt2nzmr)

Take to the skies, Elemental HERO Stratos! Stratos's effect activates!

Duel Replay:
https://duellinks.konami.net/att/069f6421ae09721619956ac5137cbd735c3f08bb93

Decklist:
https://duellinks.konami.net/att/03a4a207347812b1077e59ad3163012d6866308e43
------------------------------------------------
Skill: Not Set
Elemental HERO Stratos ×3
Harpie Dancer ×3
Elemental HERO Neo Bubbleman ×1
Mist Valley Shaman ×3
Elemental HERO Clayman ×1
Elemental HERO Burstinatrix ×1
Elemental HERO Avian ×1
Into the Void ×2
Fusion Gate ×1
Divine Wind of Mist Valley ×3
De-Synchro ×1

Elemental HERO Electrum ×1
Ancient Fairy Dragon ×1
Gem-Knight Pearl ×1
------------------------------------------------
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膚況：秋冬乾性敏感肌 / 春夏混和性偏乾敏感肌(鼻頭下巴小出油)
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★ This Month's Favorites ★
Too Faced - Chocolate Bar Eyeshadow Palette
https://www.toofaced.com
Maybelline - Hypersharp Eyeliner R
https://www.maybelline.co.jp
MAC - Mineralized Skin Finished Natural - Medium Dark
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MAC - Mineralized Skin Finished - Lightscapade
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Too Faced - Melted Matte Liquified Long Wear Matte Lipstick - Evil Twin, Drop Dead Red
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Anastasia Beverly Hills - Liquid Lipstick - Carina
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DUO - Eyelash Glue - Black
http://www.sephora.com/eyelash-adhesive-P266812
Hair Beauron (Curl)
http://bioprogramming.jp/beauty/hairbeauron-curl/
Sugarpill - Celestia
https://sugarpill.com/products/celestia-nail-lacquer
Pumpkin Spiced Latte
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Ben & Jerry’s Almond Milk Coffee Caramel Fudge
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★ Today’s MAKEUP&HAIR ★
FACE:
Missha BB Cream - No. 21
NARS - Radiant Creamy Concealer
Maybelline Transluscent Powder
NARS - Blush - Orgasm
MAC - Mineralized Skin Finished Natural - Medium Dark
MAC - Mineralized Skin Finished - Lightscapade

EYES:
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Maybelline Hypersharp Liner R - Black
Diamond Lashes Secret Eye
loveil - Color Contacts - Ash grege

LIPS:
Too Faced - Melted Matte Lipstick - Drop Dead Red

HAIR:
Hair Salon NALU http://www.nalu-style.com


★ Today’s COORD ★
Cardigan: milk


★ Recommended Videos ★
Tanuki Makeup
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Yum Sugar Cupcake Doll (Pink Blue)
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TITLE: Take The Chance
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