有懷疑係屬於香港警察嘅微博
post出一張響泰國國旗上以中文泰文寫住
「我們支持泰國警察」嘅圖片
結果被泰國網民發現，貼上Twitter
並已經獲得二萬多個轉推
正式柒出國際。
https://mobile.twitter.com/mangojay_/status/1318170624137650179
status post中文 在 唐生大地震 Facebook 的最佳解答
同時也有5部Youtube影片，追蹤數超過16萬的網紅Ting，也在其Youtube影片中提到，來源：SCP基金會 http://scp-wiki-cn.wikidot.com/scp-469 http://www.scp-wiki.net/scp-469 圖片來源： Amamidori https://www.deviantart.com/amamidori/art/SCP-469-709...
「status post中文」的推薦目錄：
- 關於status post中文 在 唐生大地震 Facebook 的最佳解答
- 關於status post中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳解答
- 關於status post中文 在 詩聲字 Facebook 的精選貼文
- 關於status post中文 在 Ting Youtube 的精選貼文
- 關於status post中文 在 翼 WingsThunder Youtube 的精選貼文
- 關於status post中文 在 翼 WingsThunder Youtube 的最佳解答
- 關於status post中文 在 [問題] 病歷上s/p 的涵義... - 看板medstudent - 批踢踢實業坊 的評價
- 關於status post中文 在 ［小知識］病歷中常見的種類與縮寫- 廢文板 - Dcard 的評價
- 關於status post中文 在 網路上關於sp醫學縮寫-在PTT/MOBILE01/Dcard上的升學考試 ... 的評價
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status post中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳解答
【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】
***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***
中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/
Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.
In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.
The possibility of realizing legislative majority
Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.
The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?
Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.
Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.
Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority
To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.
While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.
Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.
Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.
Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP
What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.
Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.
The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.
Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution
Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.
Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.
The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.
All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.
https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw
status post中文 在 詩聲字 Facebook 的精選貼文
※詩．聲．字 x 羅拔的老窩 x writingxphotography（IG）※
羅拔〈里斯本〉
在阿爾法馬我願意
永永遠遠迷失
彷若一縷鬼魂尋獲鑰匙
回到過去，現在
不重要了
在太加斯河前，我坐看無盡細浪
我卻隸屬於名為生活的狀態
我得離開這城市
卻仍把靈魂遺落在
奧比多斯的一家明信片小商店
離里斯本不遠
※
Rob "Lisbon"
In Alfama I wish
I could get lost forever
like a ghost finding a key
to the past. So the present
does not matter.
I sat by Tagus, seeing endless thin waves,
like the time belonging not to me.
Yet I am owned by a status named life.
I must get out of the city.
Yet my soul is still dwelling
in a mini post shop in Obidos
not far from Lisbon.
〆〆〆〆〆〆〆〆
#羅拔 創作、攝影，粉專 羅拔的老窩
#林依儂 手寫、襯圖，Instagram：writingxphotography
※聆聽 #JY 語調輕揚的朗讀，請至：https://youtu.be/3-J_O4OqXYA
※本篇先完成英文，再譯為中文；曾刊於《#人間魚詩生活誌》第二期（2019年8月出刊），羅拔：「獻給在里斯本的美好回憶，以及Mini Post Shop. "Lisbon" by Rob Chen, translated by Rob Chen」。
※詩刊臉書社團 人間魚詩社
※Mini Post Shop 粉專 Obidos Mini Post Shop
※羅拔粉專與依儂IG今晚一同發布本篇，在此感謝羅拔、依儂，並感謝J.Y朗讀。
#人間魚 #里斯本 #美好回憶 #阿爾法馬 #太加斯河 #明信片 #雙語詩 #現代詩 #創作 #攝影 #手寫 #Lisbon #Alfama #Tagus #Obidos #handwriting #writing #handwritten #poem
status post中文 在 Ting Youtube 的精選貼文
來源：SCP基金會
http://scp-wiki-cn.wikidot.com/scp-469
http://www.scp-wiki.net/scp-469
圖片來源：
Amamidori
https://www.deviantart.com/amamidori/art/SCP-469-709054744
Leidora_01
https://twitter.com/Leidora_01/status/1042754213451771905/photo/1
Enot Friedrich
https://enot-friedrich.tumblr.com/post/183413744970
開頭音樂 Jimmy Fontanez & Doug Maxwell - TRAP UNBOXING
背景音樂 Far The Days Come - Letter Box
內容以Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 License授權
status post中文 在 翼 WingsThunder Youtube 的精選貼文
(上一集Minecraft新聞: https://youtu.be/SYqdTcsuiZs)
PVP重製, 使用雙手, 弓箭手終於懂拉弓了! 1.9 最新消息
Minecraft 1.9 最新諜報! 經過我近幾日在twitter及reddit睇post之後
總結左幾個消息比大家睇1.9最新既動態!
=======================================
1.9新聞播放清單: http://bit.ly/WingsMNews
翼的Google+: http://plus.google.com/+wingsthunder
翼的Facebook專頁: http://facebook.com/aywingsthunder
翼的Instagram: http://instagram.com/wingsthunder
翼的Twitter: http://twitter.com/aywingsthunder
Minecraft 1.9 News
1. 選擇主要用手
https://twitter.com/Dinnerbone/status/603874087274991616
2. 雙手拿物品
https://twitter.com/Dinnerbone/status/603872971963392000
3. 不能同時使用雙手上物品
https://twitter.com/Dinnerbone/status/606418686765899776
4. 鋤頭 + 火把同時使用
https://twitter.com/Dinnerbone/status/606419270462017537
5. 同時使用兩張地圖
https://gfycat.com/ThatDescriptiveGorilla#?frameNum=317
6. 移除以劍擋攻擊功能 +同時擋攻擊及攻擊
https://twitter.com/Dinnerbone/status/603895970196230144
https://twitter.com/Dinnerbone/status/603895970196230144
7. 不能雙手都拿著劍
https://twitter.com/Dinnerbone/status/603873653223247872
8. 弓箭手AI = Zombie AI
https://twitter.com/Dinnerbone/status/610436355991207937
9. 重寫弓箭手AI
https://twitter.com/Dinnerbone/status/610725446762766336
https://gfycat.com/ImmaculateMatureBarnowl#?frameNum=311
10. Searge加入編寫更新
https://twitter.com/SeargeDP/status/610368345083387904
11. Minecon 2015
http://minecon.mojang.com
Production Music courtesy of Epidemic Sound: http://www.epidemicsound.com
status post中文 在 翼 WingsThunder Youtube 的最佳解答
(上一集Minecraft新聞: https://youtu.be/0GZvWftjhGg)
Hey Hey~ 大家好我係呀翼 D:
Minecraft 1.9 最新諜報! 經過我近幾日在twitter及reddit睇post之後
總結左幾個消息比大家睇1.9最新既動態!
幽靈弓箭, 箭袋詳細, 左手人物!?
(所需link全部在下面)
=======================================
翼的Google+: http://plus.google.com/+wingsthunder
翼的Facebook專頁: http://facebook.com/aywingsthunder
翼的Instagram: http://instagram.com/wingsthunder
翼的Twitter: http://twitter.com/aywingsthunder
Minecraft 1.9 News
1. 箭袋功能更新
https://twitter.com/Dinnerbone/status/601690099429023744
2. 幽靈弓箭及其用處
https://twitter.com/Dinnerbone/status/601690099429023744
3. Minecraft左手人物!?
https://twitter.com/Dinnerbone/status/602773624320348161
4. (出錯版)
https://twitter.com/Dinnerbone/status/602755916002373632
5. Minecraft 1.8.6 移除命令方塊可被發射器放置
https://twitter.com/SeargeDP/status/603217116595101697
Production Music courtesy of Epidemic Sound: http://www.epidemicsound.com
status post中文 在 ［小知識］病歷中常見的種類與縮寫- 廢文板 - Dcard 的必吃
護理紀錄多用中文書寫，紀錄病人的臨床生命徵象，固定的身體檢查結果， ... 量（尿液、糞便等） 16.s/p(Status post)在⋯處置之後前面主要有疾病，s/p ... ... <看更多>
status post中文 在 網路上關於sp醫學縮寫-在PTT/MOBILE01/Dcard上的升學考試 ... 的必吃
s p op是什麼意思,sp 醫學中文,S/P (status post)看不懂查查網站吧簡單說：病歷問題導向的記錄：要把每個問題起始(onest) 和醫學術語縮寫標準, shorthand, 速記可用. ... <看更多>
status post中文 在 [問題] 病歷上s/p 的涵義... - 看板medstudent - 批踢踢實業坊 的必吃
我知道s/p = status post
---
那病歷上我看到
Lipoma over both forearm s/p excision
字面上會讓我覺得 經過excision後,lipoma還在
不過問了一下同學,同學是說s/p後面接的是"解決s/p前面所述問題所使用的方法"
所以這句話的意思就是: 病人有lipoma,經過excision後已拿掉
---
所以 s/p 能不能看成是 "before" ?!
Lipoma over both forearm s/p excision =
Lipoma over both forearm before excision
---
感謝賜教...
--
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◥▍▌◤ ◥▍▌◤ o ╲╲ 人如果不做出犧牲，就什麼也得不到，
▂▂ ▂▂ ╲ ╱ 為了得到某些東西就必須付出同等的代價。
╲▂ ▂╱ ╲ 那就是鍊金術中的，「等價交換原則」！
▎ ╲╱﹀﹀﹀﹀╲╱ ▊◢ ╲ 鋼の鍊金術師
╲∣ ∣╱█ ╲ By sweetwords in Bahamut
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◆ From: 220.142.132.171
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