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These four demands are to “smash” the wall of political and media silence on the climate crisis, declare a climate emergency for financial and policy mobilisation, raise awareness among Malaysians about the climate crisis and raise the visibility of the climate narrative from developing countries.
Read more at https://www.thestar.com.my/news/nation/2019/09/13/msia-ready-for-global-climate-strike#uPeK2DCZurpMj7up.99
//佔中九子被判入獄，不僅是九人的事。這場歷時七十九日、備受世界關注的大型抗爭，由市民自發抵抗政權的暴力打壓而起，亦由每個參與者的共同經驗編織而成。九子所承擔的罪責，固然是為了自身的公民抗命，更是為了每一個當日在街頭爭取民主的人。
#雨傘運動 的緣起，必然是中共扼殺香港邁向民主的道路，必然是政權動用防暴警察和和催淚彈對待手無寸鐵的市民。法庭固然無法為這些真正的「妨擾」與「煽惑」作出審判，但正如被告之一，前學聯代表鍾耀華於審訊後發言時所言：「真正能夠審訊這場運動、審訊我們的，是我們自己每一個人。」
要歷史宣判我們無罪，我們就必須挺身而出改變歷史。四二八，就讓我們在街頭在街頭相見，拒絕送中條例，不要讓香港再有下一個政治犯。//
【毋忘命運自主 不要再有政治犯】——香港眾志就佔中九子判刑之聲明
今日，西九龍裁判法院裁定佔中九子煽惑他人作出公眾妨擾等罪罪成，並判處各人高達16個月監禁的刑罰。我們對於判決感到痛心，並向眾人及其親友致以祝福和慰問。
佔中九子被判入獄，不僅是九人的事。這場歷時七十九日、備受世界關注的大型抗爭，由市民自發抵抗政權的暴力打壓而起，亦由每個參與者的共同經驗編織而成。九子所承擔的罪責，固然是為了自身的公民抗命，更是為了每一個當日在街頭爭取民主的人。
#雨傘運動 的緣起，必然是中共扼殺香港邁向民主的道路，必然是政權動用防暴警察和和催淚彈對待手無寸鐵的市民。法庭固然無法為這些真正的「妨擾」與「煽惑」作出審判，但正如被告之一，前學聯代表鍾耀華於審訊後發言時所言：「真正能夠審訊這場運動、審訊我們的，是我們自己每一個人。」
雨傘運動至今即將五年，中共對香港自主的侵蝕無日無之，港人當家作主之路仍然遙遙無期。近日，港府強行修訂《引渡條例》，便是政權肆意摧毀香港法治制度以及自主的又一例證。
我們寄語港人，在毋忘所有為香港付出的政治犯的同時，能夠繼續為我城的命運自主而抗爭，以實際的行動傳承雨傘精神。
要歷史宣判我們無罪，我們就必須挺身而出改變歷史。四二八，就讓我們在街頭相見，拒絕送中條例，不要讓香港再有下一個政治犯。
香港眾志
二零一九年四月廿四日
Determining Our Own Fate, Saying No to More Political Prisoners - Demosistō’s Statement Regarding the Sentencing of the Occupy 9
The West Kowloon District Court sentenced the nine leaders of the Occupy Central movement with up to 16 months in prison. We acknowledge the sentencing with heavy hearts, and our condolences go out to the leaders and their close ones.
The sentencing is not only a matter of nine people. The globally recognised 79-day movement was the combined effort of all participants. The charges shouldered by the nine leaders were not only for the sake of their own civil disobedience, but also for every single person who went to the streets to fight for democracy in 2014.
Evidently, if one is to trace back to the cause of the Umbrella Movement, then it would undeniably be the Chinese Government’s move to block Hong Kong’s road to democracy, and the Hong Kong government’s mobilisation of the police and subsequent utilisation of tear gas against unarmed citizens. The Court will not be able to convict these true culprits of nuisance and incitement, but as Eason Chan - one of the defendants and former representative of the HKFS - noted, “The only people who get to judge this movement and to judge us, is each and every one of us.”
We are approaching the fifth anniversary of the Umbrella Movement, and we are still far from achieving true democracy and autonomy. The government intends to forcefully amend the Fugitive Offenders Ordinance, it is obvious that this administration is intentionally ruining Hong Kong’s rule of law and level of autonomy.
We encourage Hong Kong citizens to bear in mind political prisoners who have contributed to our fight for democracy, and to carry on the spirit of the Umbrella Movement - fighting against authoritarianism and determining the fate of our own city.
For history to declare our innocence, we must step forward to change history. Let us meet again in the streets on 28th April to oppose the changes to the extradition law, so that Hong Kong would not have another political prisoner.
Demosistō
24th April 2019
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⚠️反送中 抗惡法 大遊行🆘
日期：4月28日（日）
時間：15:00
起步地點：銅鑼灣東角道
————————————————
戴耀廷、陳健民｜即時監禁16個月
朱耀明｜監禁16個月 緩刑2年
邵家臻｜即時監禁8個月
黃浩銘｜即時監禁8個月
鍾耀華｜監禁8個月 緩刑2年
李永達｜監禁8個月 緩刑2年
張秀賢｜200小時社會服務令
陳淑莊｜休庭至6月10日再判
【大專學界 同氣連枝】
港大民調風波
時任港大學生會會長張韻琪冒雨在校長府要求鄭耀宗校長交代有關干預港大民調的一幕，引起社會強烈迴響。其時社會輿論直指鄭耀宗教授為幕後推手，唯時任港大學生會幹事苦無對策，情況陷入膠著狀態。後來，時任幹事表示希望其他大專院校的同學到場聲援，結果一呼百應，成為學界一時佳話。
各校學生會隨即召開學聯常委會會議並草擬聲明，商討如何透過學聯這個平台來支援港大同學。經過商討，各大專院校負責校外動員以及物流等工作，而港大學生會則專注校內遊說和動員，運動之聲勢一時無兩。後鄭耀宗從英國返港，港大學生連同各校學生會發起接機及留守校長府行動。全賴港大同學的參與以及學聯各院校的支援，校方成立獨立調查委員會，鄭耀宗最終辭去校長一職。
學聯其後亦發起超過二千人的遊行，要求正在休會的立法會重開會議，處理及調查干預民調事件。
回想昔日眾院校學生會齊心合力，貫徹「一方有難，八方支援」的精神。凡此種種，皆因大家都深明大專學界唇齒相依，必須共同抵抗政權的重重打壓。過往大專學界互相扶持，今後都將團結一致地捍衛我們共同相信的價值。
陳冠康事件
二零一二年，由陳冠康擔任會長的港大學生會豪花三十八期緊急儲備，於全港八份報章刊登全版聲明反對「黑金政治」，把矛頭指向其時為行政長官候選人的梁振英。在有關聲明刊登前，幹事會及時事委員會未有充分諮詢基本會員，引起港大學生會評議會及會員嘩然反對。
除了配合港大學生會內部的行動，如召開評議會對其時失職的公職人員提出不信任動議及籌備中山起義等外，七間大專院校的學生會亦發表聯署聲明，質疑陳冠康做法。
港大學生會屢受中共覬覦，痛遭滲透。唯各校均左港大學生會危急存亡之時紛紛伸出援手，體現互助精神。即使港大學生會不再在學聯此一聯會內，亦應與其他學生會相互守望，以免學生會成為中共入侵學界的漏洞。
[Interdependency and Synergy among all Tertiary Institutions]
HKU Public Opinion Programme (POP) Scandal
In 2000, Miss Wan–Ki Cheung, President of Hong Kong University Students’ Union (HKUSU), waited outside the University Lodge and demanded a reply from Dr Yiu-Chung Cheng, Vice- Chancellor of HKU, on the HKU POP Scandal under the incessant rain. While Dr. Cheng was rumoured to be the architect behind the scene amid the much repercussion, the situation remained a deadlock with no feasible solution from the executive committee of HKUSU. Luckily, the subsequent support from students from other tertiary institutions at the call of the Union was fortified and widely-praised.
The standing committee meeting of the Hong Kong Federation of Students (HKFS) was then held to draft statements and discuss form of assistance to HKU students. A consensus was reached that while other institutions were responsible for external mobilisation and logistics, HKUSU focused on intra-varsity promotion and mobilisation. Such cooperation surely boosted the morale of the movement. Upon the return of Dr. Cheng from the U.K., HKUSU and other institutions mobilised students to receive the Vice-Chancellor and assemble outside the University Lodge. It was only under such participation and cooperation of HKU students and HKFS members that an independent investigation commission was formed, leading to the eventual resignation of Dr Cheng from the position of Vice-Chancellor.
A demonstration consisting of more than 2000 citizens was also initiated by HKFS later to demand the resumption of Legislative Council meeting to handle and investigate the Scandal.
Such close cooperation among all institutions simply demonstrates the spirit of mutual assistance --- whenever there is a difficulty within one of the institutions, it is a plight to all. All tertiary institutions are interdependent and counting on one another for defending against the series of suppressions from the regime. Such synergy will continue to be passed on to safeguard the values that we mutually embrace.
Dan K.H. Chan Incident
In 2012, a huge amount of HKD$380 000 of the contingency reserve was lavished by Dan K.H. Chan, President of HKUSU, in issuing a full-page anti-political collusion statement on all eight newspapers in Hong Kong, in attempt to lambaste Mr C.Y. Leung, the then candidate for Chief Executive. The insufficient consultation by the executive committee and the Current Affairs Committee, HKUSU Council on issuing the statement induced much sentiments and opposition from the Union Council and members.
On one hand, the seven institutions assisted the internal actions of HKUSU, namely passing regret motions on irresponsible personnels in Council meetings and organising an assembly at the Sun Yat-Sen Place; on the other, they also issued statements to doubt and criticise Dan Chan’s approach.
HKUSU has long been a succulent prey to the Chinese Communists, and was eventually, and sadly, penetrated. Such assistance and cooperation among all institutions shall never only rest with these predicaments of HKUSU. Even though the Union has already withdrawn from HKFS, the synergy and close relation shall stand strong in avoiding any loopholes for communist intrusion to take place in any of the students’ unions.
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