【專題訪問 Interview Feature】2019年度香港大學學生會周年大選中央幹事會候選内閣蒼傲訪問(內務篇) | Interview with Prism, the Proposed Cabinet of Executive Committee, The Hong Kong University Students’ Union of Annual Election 2019 (Internal Affairs)
(Please scroll down for English version.)
中央幹事會候選內閣蒼傲就內務議題接受本台訪問,就內閣理念、參選原因、及政綱如增設中央幹事會席位專注管理國際生事務等發/表意見。
訪問節錄如下:
1. 你們可否簡單自我介紹?
鄭鎮熙(下稱鄭):大家好我是鄭鎮熙(候選會長), 來自理學院五年級。 今次參選學生會因為對學生會有一些意見、 一些改進空間、 自己一直以來都希望為學校和學校未來的發展而發出一些聲音。
張信一(下稱張):Hi, so I am Shaun, studying Economics and Finance Year 3. The main reason why I have nominated myself to be the executive committee of the HKUSU is because, I have been a little bit unhappy with the way it has been running in the last few years I have been here. I want to see if I could make a difference.
李鎔津(下稱李):我是李鎔津, 候選大學事務秘書, 現就讀文學士及法學士二年級,參選中央幹事會的原因與其他兩位一樣希望令港大變得更加好, 我們有意見想提出和改進。關於議題參與率低的問題,若果我們有很幸當選, 便會為各個議題製作簡介, 希望讓同學知道怎樣從議題入手,從而提高參與率。 第二個原因是希望學生會會作為橋樑與校方討論大學事務,大學事務與每一個同學息息相關, 於各種議題同學都會想提出意見。
2. 你們可否解釋莊理念?
鄭:我們內閣名字是蒼傲, 分開八個字便是「蒼茫大地,傲骨依然」,頭四字是我們認為今屆學生會選舉只有四個人出選,反映出港大學生投入讀書以外活動有很大的疑問。蒼汒大地、傲骨依然正正代表了學校現在的情況、社會現在的情況、甚至整體香港的未來其實都是一個大問號。至於「傲骨依然」四個字我們認為作為港大學生應有一份榮譽感,畢竟港大是最高學府,所以每一個在港大學習的學生都是十分有能力,所以傲字不單是自我的鼓勵,亦是向所有的學生說面對不如意或逆境時,都希望能有一份永不放棄、倔強的精神,去迎接當下的困難,因為我們相信困難過後必會雨過天晴,會看見彩虹,所以這也是我們選擇Prism為我們英文閣名的原因。
張:What we think Prism represents is simple. We want to act like a prism, and we think everybody in HKU is like a light. We have a lot of potential in all of us and we want to use your light and turn the campus into a more vibrant environment for all of us. Hence, Prism, we think is pretty good symbol of what we intend to do.
3. 你們為何於重開提名期後才報名參選?
鄭:我們在(12月)24、25日左右收到重開提名期的電郵,剛好我跟一大班的朋友舉行聖誕派對,期間我們就這問題(重開提名期)進行討論。剛好認識到Shaun和 Kelly,我們三人想法上十分接近,就是認為既然沒有人參選,我們或者可以試一試,所以最後參選今屆的學生會。
4. 為何沒有人競逐外務副會長一職?
鄭:其實我們希望將視線放在會務及校務上。當然我們並非將外務議題全面拋棄,只是我們認為就校內參選氣氛、學生關注的事情等,都是在提醒我們今年學生會認該將更多的時間放在內務常務的議題上。
5. 你們於政綱提出「是時候做不同的事」,是什麼意思?
張:The thing we want to do differently, is to provide a more positive atmosphere that I think is more reflective of the student body in HKU as a whole. Because, if you look around, a lot of the posters and and lot of notices put out by the Student(s’) Unions of the past have been predominantly negative, I think they are right to be upset about some of the issues, but I think it’s a bit overboarded and a bit dramatic, and it turns a lot of students off. So, we acknowledge that there are issues but we will face them in a positive manner.
6. 近年學生會就社會時事(如DQ議員事件) 出聲明 ,若果來年當選會否出聲明?
鄭:我們認為學生會代表了全學校的學生去發聲,所以學生會應該絕大部份的時候保持中立,因為它只是一個連接外界及學生的橋樑。
7. 你們可否解釋就國際生議題上與往年學生會有何分別
張:First thing is, we are going to consider opening a new seat in the executive committee that is dedicated to non-local students' affairs. And of course we are going to have a series of activities that we hope to be more effective (in the issue of international students). For example, we are considering hosting a non-local orientation camp and some other cultural immersion activities, for example a mahjong class for non-local students, and also some cultural heritage tours. We hope to invite students of different nationalities to take part in it.
Campus TV has interviewed with Prism, the Proposed Cabinet of Executive Committee, The Hong Kong University Students’ Union, Session 2019, with regards to their treatment of internal affairs. Prism has expressed their opinions on internal affairs, which include: the Cabinet’s mission statement, the reasons for running as candidate, and details on their platform such as increasing the seats in the Students’ Union, and focusing on international students’ affairs.
The interview excerpts are as follows:
1. Could you please introduce yourselves?
Andrew Cheng Chun Hei (Cheng): Hello, I am Andrew Cheng Chun Hei (Proposed President), from the Faculty of Science Year 5. I am running for the Students’ Union because I have some opinions about the Union, I think there is some room for improvement. All along, I have wished to voice my opinions regarding the school and the school’s future development.
Shaun Cheung Shun Yat (Cheung): Hi, so I am Shaun, studying Economics and Finance Year 3. The main reason why I have nominated myself to be the executive committee of the HKUSU is because, I have been a little bit unhappy with the way it has been running in the last few years I have been here. I want to see if I could make a difference.
Kelly Li Yung Chun (Li): I am Kelly Li Yung Chun, the Proposed University Affairs Secretary, I am a Year 2 pursuing the Bachelor of Arts and Bachelor of Laws. The reason why I am running as candidate in the Annual Election 2019 is in line with the other two candidates in a sense that I wish to see the University of Hong Kong become better; we have comments we wish to raise and matters we wish to improve on. The first reason (of running as candidate) is due to the (students’) low participation rate in (social) issues. If we have the honour to be elected, we will make an introduction for each issue or topic, so that students know how to understand these issues, thus increasing (their) participation rate. The second reason is (we) wish to act as a bridge between students and the school in discussing about university affairs. Since each and every student are related to university affairs, they would want to express their opinions on various issues.
2. Could you explain your Proposed Cabinet’s vision/ mission statement?
Cheng: Our (Proposed) Cabinet’s name is Prism, in a non-abbreviated form (of the Chinese name of the Cabinet), it means “in face of the boundless land, remain a lofty and unyielding character”. The former part of the phrase reflects how we view Annual Election 2019, it shows a problematic lack of extra-curriculars for the University's students outside of academics. The whole phrase precisely represents the school’s current situation, the society’s current situation, even the whole of Hong Kong’s future, which is actually a huge question mark. The former part of the phrase means that the students of the University definitely has a sense of pride and honour, nevertheless it is the elitist of educational institutions, every student of the University must have superb abilities. Therefore, the words “lofty” and “unyielding” are not only a form of self-encouragement, they are to tell students to always have a persevering spirit in face of predicaments. Because we believe after tribulations, there is always rainbow after rain, which is why we chose “Prism” to be the English name of our Cabinet.
Cheung: What we think Prism represents is simple. We want to act like a prism, and we think everybody in HKU is like a light. We have a lot of potential in all of us and we want to use your light and turn the campus into a more vibrant environment for all of us. Hence, Prism, we think is pretty good symbol of what we intend to do.
3. Why did you run as candidate only after the reopening of nomination?
Cheng: We received the email about the Notice of Reopening Nomination (of Annual Election 2019) on around the 24th or 25th (of December). Coincidentally, me and a group of friends were having a Christmas celebration, during which we discussed about the matter (of reopening of nomination). Coincidentally, I met Shaun and Kelly, the three of us shared similar thoughts, that if nobody was running as candidate, perhaps we could give it a try, and so we nominated ourselves as the candidates.
4. Why is nobody running for the position of the Vice-President (External)?
Cheng: Actually, we wish to focus on affairs of student societies and organisations, and university affairs. That being said, we are not neglecting all of the external issues, we just believe that in view of the school’s participation atmosphere, and students’ awareness to issues, all of these (situations) are reminding us as the (Proposed) Students’ Union that we should spend more time in dealing with internal affairs and general affairs.
5. In your platform you raised that “it is time to do something different”, what does that mean?
Cheung: The thing we want to do differently, is to provide a more positive atmosphere that I think is more reflective of the student body in HKU as a whole. Because, if you look around, a lot of the posters and and lot of notices put out by the Student Unions of the past have been predominantly negative, I think they are right to be upset about some of the issues, but I think it’s a bit overboard and a bit dramatic, and it turns a lot of students off. So, we acknowledge that there are issues but we will face them in a positive manner.
6. The Students’ Unions of recent years have always issued statements in response to social issues. If you are elected for the coming session, will you do the same?
Cheng: We think that the Union represents and speaks on behalf of the whole of student community. Therefore, the Union should for the most part stay neutral on matters, because it is merely a tool that bridges the outside world and the students.
7. Can you explain what are the differences of your Proposed Cabinet compared to last year’s regarding the issue of international students?
Cheung: First thing is, we are going to consider opening a new seat in the executive committee that is dedicated to non-local students' affairs. And of course we are going to have a series of activities that we hope to be more effective (in the issue of international students). For example, we are considering hosting a non-local orientation camp and some other cultural immersion activities, for example a mahjong class for non-local students, and also some cultural heritage tours. We hope to invite students of different nationalities to take part in it.
___________________________________
二零一九年度香港大學學生會周年大選其他候選人包括候選常務秘書麥嘉晉、校園電視候選內閣、學苑候選編輯委員會及候選普選評議員。
2019年度周年大選中央諮詢大會將於一月二十一日至一月二十五日在中山廣場舉行,時間為下午十二時半至二時半。
Other candidates for the Annual Election 2019 include the Proposed General Secretary Mak Ka Chun Eugene, the Proposed Cabinet of Campus TV, the Proposed Editorial Board of Undergrad, and the Proposed Popularly Elected Union Councillor.
The Central Campaign for Annual Election 2019 will be held from the 21st to 25th of January at the Sun Yat-sen Place, from 12:30 to 14:30.
同時也有10000部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過2,910的網紅コバにゃんチャンネル,也在其Youtube影片中提到,...
mission vision分別 在 譚文豪 Jeremy Tam Facebook 的最佳解答
【傑哥給香港人寫的《香港家書》】
Alan Leong Kah-Kit 梁家傑:
//梁家傑最後一次以公民黨黨魁身份給香港人寫的《香港家書》,點出香港走到當下分崩離析的主因,並指出當面對專制強權時香港人的兩種基本取態,分別是犬儒認命和赤子初衷。他寄望下一屆特首能處理好香港人哪被出賣和挫折感覺。傑哥望中共明白,要香港人能同心同德,要香港能政通人和,不是靠強權鎮壓;根據回歸時承諾香港人的「一國兩制,高度自治,港人治港」調整對港政策,貫徹落實香港人對回歸的想像和初衷,把張曉明和梁振英亂港之局撥亂反正,才是大道正途。//
《香港家書》連結:https://goo.gl/YqNnE6
傑哥最後一次以公民黨黨魁身份給香港人寫的《香港家書》,點出香港走到當下分崩離析的主因,並指出當面對專制強權時香港人的兩種基本取態,分別是犬儒認命和赤子初衷。他寄望下一屆特首能處理好香港人哪被出賣和挫折感覺。傑哥望中共明白,要香港人能同心同德,要香港能政通人和,不是靠強權鎮壓;根據回歸時承諾香港人的「一國兩制,高度自治,港人治港」調整對港政策,貫徹落實香港人對回歸的想像和初衷,把張曉明和梁振英亂港之局撥亂反正,才是大道正途。
要收聽梁家傑親自讀出《給香港的信》,請點擊以下連結:http://programme.rthk.hk/channel/radio/programme.php…
LETTER TO HONG KONG
Hon Alan Kah-kit LEONG SC
Leader, Civic Party
September 18, 2016
Dear Fellow Hongkongers,
This will be the last Letter to Hong Kong I wrote as Leader of the Civic Party. My term as a Legislative Councillor will end in just less than a fortnight’s time, on September 30. Looking back at my twelve years as a legislator, I am thankful for the trust you have reposed in me. I sought public office in 2004 so that I could do my utmost to uphold the Hong Kong System according to what Hongkongers had been promised by the Sino-British Joint Declaration and the Basic Law. And, in particular, I had wanted to see implemented in Hong Kong universal suffrage for election of the Chief Executive and all members of the Legislative Council. 1997 saw Hong Kong revert to a Sovereign that practises People’s Democratic Dictatorship, and autocracy is the order of the day in Mainland China. Without a local government that is fully accountable to Hongkongers, our long cherished freedoms and institutions like the Rule of Law, apolitical Civic Service and Independent Commission Against Corruption are bound to wither and cannot stay.
It is regrettable that the Chinese Communist Party (“CCP”), thus the Central People’s Government, has not honoured the One Country Two Systems constitutional order as promised by and enshrined in the Basic Law. One only has to remind oneself of the black and white letters of Article 22 to tell how flagrantly the Basic Law has been breached. The Article provides that
“No department of the Central People’s Government and no province, autonomous region, or municipality directly under the Central People’s Government may interfere in the affairs which the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region administers on its own in accordance with this Law.”
Only as recently as the Legislative Council Elections on September 4, interventions from Zhang Xiao-Ming, the Director of the Liaison Office of the Central People’s Government in Hong Kong, were rampant. The Liaison Office bent over backwards to make sure that people like Tse Wai Chun Paul, Yung Hoi Yan, Ho Kwan Yiu, Leung Mei Fun and Chow Ho Ding Holden were elected. Such manoeuvres had gone so far that cost the seats of Anti-Democracy incumbents Wong Kwok Hing and Tang Ka Piu from The Hong Kong Federation of Trade Unions, the most ancient supporters of the CCP in Hong Kong. And, those blessed by the Liaison Office are not slow to show their gratitude by thanking Zhang Xiao-Ming for his support, as if these were normal business, and conveniently forgetting all about the non-intervention guaranteed by Article 22.
On the subject of the treachery of the CCP, how can Hongkongers forget about the White Paper published by the State Council on June 10, 2014 and the Resolutions of the National People’s Congress Standing Committee (“NPCSC”) on August 31? By the former, the CCP emphasized its total control over Hong Kong and the self-restraints this omnipotent sovereign had enticed Hongkongers into expecting was shattered by the stroke of a pen. By the latter, the CCP unequivocally denied to Hongkongers our right to elect the Chief Executive, with anyone allowed to stand.
Public outrage over the White Paper and the NPCSC Resolutions prompted the Umbrella Movement later in 2014. Thoroughfares in the heart of the city were occupied for 79 days. The Umbrella Movement has moved the world by showcasing how David can stand up against Goliath using peaceful means and by engaging in rational debates. Hongkongers have shown the world that giving in and foregoing principles is not the only option when facing up to the CCP. While it draws the world’s appreciation, the Umbrella Movement has to date failed to move the Beijing Leadership an iota towards fulfilling its promises made in the 1980s to Hongkongers in its bid to entice us to accepting reversion to Chinese Sovereignty.
During the past four years with C Y Leung as the Chief Executive, Hong Kong saw our society being torn apart and polarized. Such a divide is getting wider by the day and one doubts if it can ever be mended, at least so long as C Y Leung stays.
At one pole are cynics or pragmatists who have long resigned to succumbing to the CCP and reaping whatever benefits they can by dancing to its tunes or even second guessing what the Beijing masters would like to see them do. Many of them, now occupying key positions in government and the civil society, contribute to the daily deterioration of Hong Kong’s core values and corruption of Hong Kong’s key institutions.
At the other pole are childish and naïve souls who, following our more elemental instincts, refuse to forget our original intentions and wanting to see implemented the vision we have been promised, namely, One Country Two Systems, High Degree of Autonomy and Hong Kong People Ruling Hong Kong. We want our long-cherished freedoms and well-respected institutions to continue to flourish for the benefit of many more generations to come.
Personalities dictate our destinies. When coming face to face with the adversity of suppression and overwhelmed by an apparently unmatchable power, individuals do react differently. I certainly would love to see more of the naïve souls and less of the cynics. It is not just our personal destinies that are at stake; Hong Kong’s fate is in the balance.
Elections of the Sixth Legislative Council, which completed on September 4, broke many records. 58%, or 2.2 million, of our registered voters came out to vote, which is unprecedented. Legislators-Elect include Law Kwun Chung, Lau Siu Lai, Shiu Ka Chun and Cheng Chung Tai, who were core participants and very much involved in the 79 days of Occupy. Hongkongers have voted them into office so that they are properly mandated to continue fighting for a democratic Hong Kong, in the spirit of the Umbrella Movement. Besides, Chu Hoi Dick Eddie and Yiu Chung Yim have been civil society activists who see as their mission to deliver a fairer and more equal Hong Kong.
These six, together with other Democratic Legislators-Elect, have all openly declared frustration with what they are seeing of Hong Kong, and, to different extents and degrees, are advocating for Hongkongers to take charge of Hong Kong’s fate beyond 2047. The numbers of Democratic versus Anti-Democratic Legislators in the new Council will be 30:40. It will be politically impossible, or at least very unwise, for the CCP to ignore the voice of Hongkongers who have spoken through the ballot box and attempt to continue to suppress the Democratic Camp.
Engagement is the only reasonable way forward. The Civic Party has proposed a Hong Kong Affairs Conference, which should foot the bill in this connection and is worth serious consideration.
Just as I had told Zhang DeJiang, the President of the National People’s Congress, when we met a few months ago, the only way the CCP can prevent separatism from gaining popularity in Hong Kong is for it to deliver according to what has always been promised to Hongkongers by the Basic Law. If Xi Jinping stifles democracy even more, I can only predict that anger and frustration will grow, with separatist demands boosted.
Very soon, Hong Kong will elect 1,200 members to the Election Committee mandated to select the next Chief Executive who will assume office in 2017. The Democratic Camp is determined to win as many seats as practicable so as to be able to have a say in who is to be put at the helm for the next 5 years.
To me, Hong Kong has no luck at all if the incumbent stays on. He must go. Whoever is eyeing the top job must be able to deliver hope to especially the young, up-and-coming generations of Hong Kong and to mend the divided society with apt and timely messages capable of taking into account the public sentiments of betrayal and frustrations.
May I take this opportunity to wish you all the best and hope to continue to see you around. God Bless Hong Kong.