Taiwan Can Achieve More,
But It Takes Bilingualism
台灣可成就更高 但需要「雙語國力」
《作者從事與雙語教育相關的工作已斷斷續續30餘年。雙語已成國策,那就身體力行,開始用雙語發表意見吧。歡迎讀者對此形式提供您的意見及指教》
Among all sustaining forces, what Taiwan lacks most is the force of language. When people talk about a country’s competitiveness, most likely the main benchmarks are the military force, wealth force, technology force or even cultural force. The concept of“Force of Language”rarely came into mind. But in fact, linguistic capability is one of the key factors that can make or break a country in the long run , if not in the short.
在所有的可持續力量中,台灣最缺的就是語言的力量。當人們談論國家的競爭力時,通常主要的標竿都是軍事力量、財富力量、技術力量,甚至文化力量,而想都想不到「語言力量」這回事。但事實上,語言表達的能力,遲早也將是國家成敗的關鍵要素之一。
Examples are plenty. Take the tiny country of Singapore as a sample. Its existence and survival rests upon its capacity in applying and managing multi-lingual resources. Without that force of language, it can’t possibly thrive in a geographical setting as complex as this – with Malaysia on the north, Indonesia on the South-West, India to the West, and, particularly, the landmass of China up north. Geography is both a blessing and a curse to the country of Singapore, but its multi-linguistic capacity is a pure blessing. Without it, Singapore would still have been a trading center in that region and there is no way for it to have become one of the worldwide financial centers as today.
例子不勝枚舉,小小的新加坡就是一個樣本。它的生存,基於它運用、管理多重語言資源的氣度和能力。若缺少了這種「語言國力」,新加坡不可能在如此複雜的地理環境下茁壯 – 北有馬來西亞,西南有印度尼西亞,西有印度,尤其遠遠的北方還有中國這樣一塊大陸。地緣對新加坡這個國家既是祝福也是詛咒,但其多語能量則是百分之百的祝福。若非掌握語言國力,新加坡或許還能成為區域的貿易中心,但沒有可能變成今日的世界金融中心之一。
Hong Kong, in the past tense, also benefited tremendously from its bilingualism. By comparison, the mighty city of Shanghai in China will never replace the economic role Hong Kong used to play for China. I remember a sharp comment made by the past Premier of Singapore, Mr. Lee Kuan Yew. Many years ago when visiting Taiwan, he was asked this question by a reporter : “Can you foresee Shanghai replacing Hong Kong one day“? “Never!”was Lee’s reply. “Why?” Here comes the issue of the force of language, “Because I simply can’t see that the Shanghainese can speak better English than the Hong Kong people”. End of discussion.
香港在過去,也大大得利於它的雙語能力。相較之下,中國上海這個巨型城市,永遠也無法取代過去香港對中國的經濟角色。我猶記得新加坡前總理李光耀的一針見血評論。多年前在造訪台灣時,記者問他:「你能預見上海有一天取代香港嗎」?「絕不可能!」李光耀回答。「為什麼呢」?這裡就看出語言的力量了,「因為我根本看不到上海人的英文能力有超過香港人的一天」。討論就此結束。
Taiwan is good at technology as well as in many other aspects. It produces over 50% of the high-end semiconductor chips for the world’s high-end industrial and military uses, and it also designs at least 25% of the chips for world’s daily electronic devices. Which means, should Taiwan’s economic activities be disrupted by a hostile party , or even worse, should the island country fall under a hostile party’s control, as a consequence, the entire world would be affected severely, even to the point of functionally inoperative.
台灣在科技上很行,其他方面也不錯。在世界的高端工業及軍事應用中,台灣生產的高端半導體晶片佔比超過50%。在日常生活的電子設備上,台灣設計的晶片也至少佔比25%。這意味著,若台灣的經濟活動被某個敵意方擾亂,或在更糟情況下台灣這個島嶼國家落入敵意方的控制,後果將嚴重波及整個世界,甚至導致世界在功能上無法運作。
On top of that, Taiwan is ingenious in meeting unconventional demands for outlandish components. The most apparent case would be that of the birth of Tesla. When Elon Musk couldn’t get designers and factories from other parts of the world to risk making his non-heard-of components, he came to Taiwan and found willing and capable suppliers. Without the ingenuity of Taiwan’s able engineers, Tesla’s EV could have been delayed for many more years and might even have missed its first-to-market timing.
此外,台灣在非傳統、奇思妙想的零組件領域也很高明。最顯著的例子就是特斯拉的誕生。當伊隆馬斯克在世界其他地方碰壁、沒有工廠和設計師願意為他冒險製造那些聽都沒聽過的零組件的時候,他來到台灣找到了出路和供應商。沒有台灣的這份高明和工程師,特斯拉的電動車可能延誤多年,甚至失去市場首發的時機。
In the political arena, Taiwan has been firmly placed in the first tier among countries of democracy. To be fair, Taiwanese citizens still stand eager for eliminating the residual, inherited authoritarian elements in its political system; however, from a global standpoint, the mere presence of this remaining endeavor, by itself, proves that Taiwan has already passed the point of no return of an evolving democratic country.
在政治競技場,台灣已經被牢牢放在了民主國家的前列。但還是得公平地說,台灣公民還在熱切得期待把自己政治體制中那些殘留的、繼承來的威權成份加以剷除。然而從全球眼光來看,這種熱切現象的本身,就足以證明台灣作為一個民主還在演化的國家,在道路上已經沒有回頭餘地了。
In any aspect, Taiwan should have received a much higher level of acknowledgement from the international community than what it gets now. It makes people wonder why it didn’t.
無論哪個角度,台灣都應該得到比現在更高的國際認可和關注。這讓人感到奇怪,為什麼不是這樣呢?
Sure, one can blame the “Cut-Taiwan-off-the-World” program that the neighboring CCP (Chinese Communist Party) exercised. But blaming is not productive, not in everyday life nor in politics. We need self-assertive solutions much more than airing complaints.
當然,我們可以歸咎於中共的「切斷台灣的世界聯繫」招數。但是,歸咎往往是不起積極作用的,在生活中如此,在政治上也一樣。自我斷然提出解決方案,遠比時時抱怨要重要的多。
Citizens in Taiwan need to be able to speak out for Taiwan, not waiting for others to speak for it. To speak out to the world, you need languages! Presently, over 90% of the citizens on this island write and speak in just one language : the written Mandarin Character and the spoken Mandarin plus dialects.
台灣公民有必要自己為台灣發聲,而不是只等待第三方替台灣發聲。既然要自己對世界發聲,那就需要語言(國力)!當前,90%的台灣公民只會用單一的語種書寫和表達:書面的華文系方塊字,和華語加上數種方言。
This causes consequences in two-folds. On the political side, when Taiwan citizens shout in Mandarin, only people who understand Mandarin in other parts of the world can know what Taiwan is shouting for. Sadly, 96% of those who understand are under the firewall enclosure in China. Furthermore, Taiwanese messages are being censored, twisted and manipulated by the CCP in order to prevent its subjects from hearing it.
這造成了雙重後果。在政治面,當台灣公民用華語呼喊時,世界上只有聽得懂華語的人知道台灣在呼喊什麼。遺憾的是,96%聽得懂華語的人被鎖在中國的防火牆內。更糟的是,中共為了防止其控制的人民聽懂,持續不斷得堵絕、扭曲、操弄來自台灣的訊息。
On the economy side, although the top-layer of the academics, businessmen and technical elites are all quite proficient with a second language, mostly English or Japanese, the majority of the able engineers and middle managers in Taiwan cannot communicate efficiently enough to bring out their personal or organizational potentials.
在經濟面,雖然頂端的學術工作者、企業家、技術精英都有不錯的外語能力,例如英文或日文,但是大多數的能幹工程師和中層管理者,還無法有效的通過外語溝通以展示他們自身或組織的真實潛力。
It’s such an obvious yet ignored national issue : Taiwan needs bilingualism for its political sustainability and economic prosperity. A thriving bilingualism in Taiwan can be achieved by flipping its mentality towards education, or by changing its attitudes towards “outsiders” and installing a more open-minded immigration policy.
如此明顯的國家級議題卻遭到忽視:台灣的政治可持續及經濟的繁榮,非需要「雙語國力」不可。若想如火如荼的推動雙語國力,有兩條路可走,一是翻轉其對教育之心態,或改變對「外來者」的態度、建立一套更開放的移民政策。
Either way, Taiwan must implement a bold and innovative approach to this “force of language” challenge. And that approach can start today. Are you ready? Yes, I meant YOU!
不論採哪一種方式,台灣對這「語言國力」的挑戰,必須實施一種既大膽又創新的路數。今天就可以開始,你準備好了嗎?沒錯,說的就是你!
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international day of democracy activities 在 八鄉朱凱廸 Chu Hoi Dick Facebook 的最讚貼文
【LIVE🔴多國元首峰會發表演說】
「哥本哈根民主高峰會」就「從香港戰場為民主奮鬥(Fighting for Democracy – From the Battlegrounds of Hong Kong)」發表演說,有幸成為峰會首位發言嘉賓。
部份出席峰會政界領袖:
美國國務卿蓬佩奧
US Secretary of State Michael R. Pompeo
台灣總統蔡英文
President of the Republic of China (Taiwan) Dr. Tsai Ing-wen
歐盟委員會副主席堯羅娃
European Commission Vice-President Vera Jourova
北大西洋公約組織副秘書長傑瓦納
NATO Deputy Secretary-General Mircea Geoana
前美國國務卿凱瑞
68th US Secretary of State (2013-2017) John Kerry
前美國國務卿歐布萊特
64th US Secretary of State (1997-2001) Madeleine Albright
前澳洲總理滕博爾
29th Australian Prime Minister (2015-2018) Malcolm Turnbull
—————————
2020 Copenhagen Democracy Summit
Fighting for Democracy – From the Battlegrounds of Hong Kong
Joshua Wong
18 June 2020
Thank you so much for inviting me to speak, Ryan. I say this knowing I might not have the chance to do so again in the future, and this is not an exaggeration. Many of you still recall the scene when millions of Hong Kongers took to the street last year. We opposed the extradition arrangements that would’ve essentially allowed legalized kidnapping: Hong Kongers found guilty of breaking Chinese law could be sent to stand trial in a Chinese court. The authorities eventually withdrew the bill under tremendous pressure, but they also responded our demand to full democracy with oppressive policing forces. The number of arrested protested since last summer is already more than the number of prisoners in Hong Kong right now. More than thousands were arrested and charged with rioting. Many more injured or even went missing.
New Crackdown
This prolonged struggle with the Chinese Communist Party for years now. The Umbrella Movement broke out in 2014 demanding that Beijing lived up to its promises of democracy. But rather than doing so in honour of the Sino-British Joint Declaration of 1984, Xi Jinping’s crackdown on our autonomy has only intensified over time.
What Xi Jinping learnt from Hong Kong’s democratic movement last year is to become more draconic and oppressive. It would be best to have me sent across the border to stand trial directly than to engage in dynamic diplomatic talks and negotiation. Therefore, precisely one year afterwards, when I am attending this summit, Beijing's legislature, the NPCSC, at the same time holds meetings, finalizing a sweeping national security law that targets democratic activists like myself.
Under the pretext of ‘national security’, this law purports to target acts of “collusion with foreign forces’’. Beijing did not define what is ‘’collusion’’, but it will wield massive discretionary power to punish activists and electoral candidates on the one hand, and cut off Hong Kong from the international society and their crucial support, on the other. Take this occasion as an example, I’m convinced that every word comes from my mouth today could well become proof of crime at the Chinese courtroom in the near future. Worse still, not only can democratic activists and legislators who have participated in international advocacy efforts be barred from running elections or even imprisoned, INGOs and other organizations, including their personnel and assets, can also be subject to legal persecution.
So the developments in Hong Kong have changed quite swiftly. Large-scale protests defying the communist government may no longer be an option. It could be my last testimony when I am still free, yet prosecuted and put behind bars under the sweeping security law. Our long march to democracy will be forced into a prolonged period of fierce crackdown, perhaps similar to what Poland experienced in the Communist era, with secret police agency stationed in the city.
The Wounds of Hong Kong are Proof of Defying Beijing’s Oppression
These scenarios may create a stark contrast with the impression we usually have to a cosmopolitan Hong Kong famous for its international financial centre. The economic freedom, free flow of capital and freedom to information we used to enjoy in Hong Kong, will fade away after the law imposed. It is also the Sword of Damocles over all investors and ex-pats living and working on this island. When geopolitical tension intensifies, ex-pats can fall victim to the ill-defined law and China's hostage diplomacy. In the past, two Canadian nationals were detained for nearly two years as retaliation to Huawei's executive Meng Wanzhou's arrest, let alone Swedish NGO worker Peter Dahlin, Australian writer Yang Hengjun and Taiwanese NGO activist Lee Ming-che. Foreign journalists, human rights workers and academics were barred from Hong Kong. When China makes national security its priority, no one is safe.
Citizen journalists, booksellers, NGO workers, religious groups, online bloggers, booksellers, writers, human rights defenders or even critics of government policies are put behind bars. Amnesty International also raised concerns about its spill-out effects on economic activities and online speech. Once the law reaches out its claw to this beacon of liberty on China's soul, this vibrant civil society is on the brink of collapse.
Certainly, I would devote whatever efforts I can to defy this new round of oppression. But Beijing’s continued moves to crush democracy in Xinjiang and in Hong Kong also explain the Goliath we are facing is not as fierce as it looks like. In the past two decades, Beijing’s aggressive expansion in Europe, Asia and Africa has given a warning signal to democratic states all over the world. The world is awakening from the Chinese Nightmare. If we are determined to safeguard democratic aspirations, we must act to defy China's dictatoral grip.
Towards Democracy: Pain, Tears and Compassion.
In Hong Kong, we had experienced many depressing moments last year when state-mobilized mobs attacked passengers in the metro station, when police forcefully entered the university campus to arrest and to torture protestors, when witnessing countless students younger than me were put behind bars. What drives us to continue our struggle? My answer is compassion.
As my dear friend, Brian Leung said, ‘’Hong Kong Belongs to Everyone Who Shares Its Pain’’. In the previous year, we burst into tears mourning the death of protestors, we shared boxes of surgical masks to one another to defend ourselves from the Coronavirus. I also pray for protesters who are forced to leave our home because of their sacrifice in the movement. I pray for brothers who are struggled in jail now and I pray for those who will become political refugees soon. They are the reasons I’m still fighting in this battle. As we grow in pain, in tears and in compassion, I believe we shall succeed one day.
Thank you.
international day of democracy activities 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳貼文
【LIVE🔴多國元首峰會發表演說】
「哥本哈根民主高峰會」就「從香港戰場為民主奮鬥(Fighting for Democracy – From the Battlegrounds of Hong Kong)」發表演說,有幸成為峰會首位發言嘉賓。
部份出席峰會政界領袖:
美國國務卿蓬佩奧
US Secretary of State Michael R. Pompeo
台灣總統蔡英文
President of the Republic of China (Taiwan) Dr. Tsai Ing-wen
歐盟委員會副主席堯羅娃
European Commission Vice-President Vera Jourova
北大西洋公約組織副秘書長傑瓦納
NATO Deputy Secretary-General Mircea Geoana
前美國國務卿凱瑞
68th US Secretary of State (2013-2017) John Kerry
前美國國務卿歐布萊特
64th US Secretary of State (1997-2001) Madeleine Albright
前澳洲總理滕博爾
29th Australian Prime Minister (2015-2018) Malcolm Turnbull
—————————
2020 Copenhagen Democracy Summit
Fighting for Democracy – From the Battlegrounds of Hong Kong
Joshua Wong
18 June 2020
Thank you so much for inviting me to speak, Ryan. I say this knowing I might not have the chance to do so again in the future, and this is not an exaggeration. Many of you still recall the scene when millions of Hong Kongers took to the street last year. We opposed the extradition arrangements that would’ve essentially allowed legalized kidnapping: Hong Kongers found guilty of breaking Chinese law could be sent to stand trial in a Chinese court. The authorities eventually withdrew the bill under tremendous pressure, but they also responded our demand to full democracy with oppressive policing forces. The number of arrested protested since last summer is already more than the number of prisoners in Hong Kong right now. More than thousands were arrested and charged with rioting. Many more injured or even went missing.
New Crackdown
This prolonged struggle with the Chinese Communist Party for years now. The Umbrella Movement broke out in 2014 demanding that Beijing lived up to its promises of democracy. But rather than doing so in honour of the Sino-British Joint Declaration of 1984, Xi Jinping’s crackdown on our autonomy has only intensified over time.
What Xi Jinping learnt from Hong Kong’s democratic movement last year is to become more draconic and oppressive. It would be best to have me sent across the border to stand trial directly than to engage in dynamic diplomatic talks and negotiation. Therefore, precisely one year afterwards, when I am attending this summit, Beijing's legislature, the NPCSC, at the same time holds meetings, finalizing a sweeping national security law that targets democratic activists like myself.
Under the pretext of ‘national security’, this law purports to target acts of “collusion with foreign forces’’. Beijing did not define what is ‘’collusion’’, but it will wield massive discretionary power to punish activists and electoral candidates on the one hand, and cut off Hong Kong from the international society and their crucial support, on the other. Take this occasion as an example, I’m convinced that every word comes from my mouth today could well become proof of crime at the Chinese courtroom in the near future. Worse still, not only can democratic activists and legislators who have participated in international advocacy efforts be barred from running elections or even imprisoned, INGOs and other organizations, including their personnel and assets, can also be subject to legal persecution.
So the developments in Hong Kong have changed quite swiftly. Large-scale protests defying the communist government may no longer be an option. It could be my last testimony when I am still free, yet prosecuted and put behind bars under the sweeping security law. Our long march to democracy will be forced into a prolonged period of fierce crackdown, perhaps similar to what Poland experienced in the Communist era, with secret police agency stationed in the city.
The Wounds of Hong Kong are Proof of Defying Beijing’s Oppression
These scenarios may create a stark contrast with the impression we usually have to a cosmopolitan Hong Kong famous for its international financial centre. The economic freedom, free flow of capital and freedom to information we used to enjoy in Hong Kong, will fade away after the law imposed. It is also the Sword of Damocles over all investors and ex-pats living and working on this island. When geopolitical tension intensifies, ex-pats can fall victim to the ill-defined law and China's hostage diplomacy. In the past, two Canadian nationals were detained for nearly two years as retaliation to Huawei's executive Meng Wanzhou's arrest, let alone Swedish NGO worker Peter Dahlin, Australian writer Yang Hengjun and Taiwanese NGO activist Lee Ming-che. Foreign journalists, human rights workers and academics were barred from Hong Kong. When China makes national security its priority, no one is safe.
Citizen journalists, booksellers, NGO workers, religious groups, online bloggers, booksellers, writers, human rights defenders or even critics of government policies are put behind bars. Amnesty International also raised concerns about its spill-out effects on economic activities and online speech. Once the law reaches out its claw to this beacon of liberty on China's soul, this vibrant civil society is on the brink of collapse.
Certainly, I would devote whatever efforts I can to defy this new round of oppression. But Beijing’s continued moves to crush democracy in Xinjiang and in Hong Kong also explain the Goliath we are facing is not as fierce as it looks like. In the past two decades, Beijing’s aggressive expansion in Europe, Asia and Africa has given a warning signal to democratic states all over the world. The world is awakening from the Chinese Nightmare. If we are determined to safeguard democratic aspirations, we must act to defy China's dictatoral grip.
Towards Democracy: Pain, Tears and Compassion.
In Hong Kong, we had experienced many depressing moments last year when state-mobilized mobs attacked passengers in the metro station, when police forcefully entered the university campus to arrest and to torture protestors, when witnessing countless students younger than me were put behind bars. What drives us to continue our struggle? My answer is compassion.
As my dear friend, Brian Leung said, ‘’Hong Kong Belongs to Everyone Who Shares Its Pain’’. In the previous year, we burst into tears mourning the death of protestors, we shared boxes of surgical masks to one another to defend ourselves from the Coronavirus. I also pray for protesters who are forced to leave our home because of their sacrifice in the movement. I pray for brothers who are struggled in jail now and I pray for those who will become political refugees soon. They are the reasons I’m still fighting in this battle. As we grow in pain, in tears and in compassion, I believe we shall succeed one day.
Thank you.