中國威權主義正在擴大影響,民主國家必須團結
外交部吳部長接受 #奧地利標準報 視訊專訪,爭取歐洲民眾支持!部長說台灣與其他民主國家共享價值,但同時受到威權國家的複合式威脅及假訊息攻擊。他也談到立陶宛近期因將設立「台灣代表處」而面臨來自中國等國家的混合壓力, #歐盟及北約應採取更具體措施來聲援內部成員國,展現民主陣營不受威權脅迫的立場。
吳部長說,近期許多國家都強調兩岸和平與穩定的必要性,美國更是台灣的重要夥伴,對台灣政策具有一致性。面對中國越來越頻繁的文攻武嚇,台灣不會屈服,#我們理解退讓不會帶來和平,只有堅實的自我防衛與堅定的信念,才能捍衛國土安全。
In a recent interview with DER STANDARD , MOFA Minister Joseph Wu stated that as well as sharing #CommonValues, #Taiwan and #EU countries face the common threat of hybrid warfare and disinformation from authoritarian regimes. He also touched on the retaliatory trade measures taken against #Lithuania by China for allowing the establishment of a Taiwanese representative office in the country and called on the EU to be more forthright in supporting its member nations. Taiwan is garnering more and more international support from democratic countries, such as #Japan, the #US and #Australia.
Minister Wu also expressed that US is an important partner to Taiwan, despite the attempts in Chinese media to undermine Taiwanese trust with comparisons to Afghanistan. He characterized China’s increasingly aggressive behavior in its foreign policy an attempt to paper over internal pressures at home, particularly in #Xinjiang, #Tibet and #HongKong. Taiwan will not succumb to pressure from China and it is clear that any concessions made will not bring peace. Taiwan will safeguard its own security by ensuring we can defend ourselves.
同時也有10000部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過2,910的網紅コバにゃんチャンネル,也在其Youtube影片中提到,...
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淺談「假新聞」
最近上課時學到一個新單字「positionality」,讓我想到當前社群媒體上,不停看到的「fake news」——假新聞。
簡言之,「positionality」(位置性) 被定義為於種族、階級、性別、性取向以及能力等狀態中,創造你身分的社會與政治背景。位置性還描述了你的身分如何影響你對世界的理解與看法,以及潛在的偏見。
positionality 位置性;定位
https://terms.naer.edu.tw/detail/3390885/
https://www.lexico.com/definition/positionality
以下是我對「positionality」與 「fake news」的些許觀點:
“Fake news” has permeated all facets of life, ranging from social media interaction to presidential elections. Fake news can be defined as “fabricated information that mimics news media content in form but not in organizational process or intent” (Lazer et al., 2018, p. 1094). The creators and outlets of fake news do not ensure the accuracy and credibility of information, but rather disseminate misinformation or disinformation for purposes ranging from personal amusement to creating deceptions to achieve political aims. At times, fake news is created and disseminated by state or non-state actors using social media accounts and networks of bots designed to hijack feed algorithms of platforms such as Twitter or Facebook (Prier, 2017, p. 54). In the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign, Facebook estimated that up to 60 million bots were used to post political content. Some of the same bots were then used in an attempt to influence the 2017 French election (Lazer et al., 2018, p. 1095). Such campaigns can be understood as a form of information warfare, a comprehensive attempt to control and influence every facet of the information supply chain, thereby influencing public opinion and behaviors. (Prier, 2017, p. 54). Often, fake news is not directly created by actors that seek to manipulate but by journalists or content creators whose content favors or aligns with the narratives of these actors (Doshi, 2020).
從社群媒體的互動到總統選舉,「假新聞」(fake news)已滲透至生活的各個層面。假新聞可被定義為「在形式上而非組織過程或意圖上,模仿新聞媒體內容所捏造的資訊」(Lazer et al., 2018, p. 1094)。無論是出於個人愛好或為達政治目的而有所欺瞞,假新聞的製造者與傳播管道並不保證資訊的準確性與可信度,反而是為了散播錯誤訊息(misinformation)或扭曲訊息(disinformation)。有時,假新聞是由國家或非國家行為者(state or non-state actors)所製造與傳播,藉由社群媒體帳號及網絡機器人來劫持諸如臉書與推特等平臺的推送演算法(Prier, 2017, p. 54)。在2016年的美國總統大選中,臉書估計有多達6千萬個機器人被用來發布政治貼文。其中,有部分機器人被用於影響隔年的法國大選(Lazer et al., 2018, p. 1095)。此類行動可視為資訊戰(information warfare)的一種形式,一種對控制與影響資訊供應鏈各環節的全面嘗試,從而影響公眾輿論與行為(Prier, 2017, p. 54)。假新聞通常是由記者或內容創造者(content creators)所創造,而非試圖操弄的行為者,前者的內容偏好符合後者的敘事(Doshi, 2020)。
Nevertheless, while the term “fake news” is commonplace, there is no universal, measurable way to quantify the fakeness or truthfulness of news. There are many fact-checking and media-bias detection tools, but they cannot objectively detect and clarify the more subtle and nuanced aims of manipulative actors that play a crucial role in news production. It can also be argued that the veracity of news depends not only on the actors that seek to manipulate it, but also on the positionality of its consumers. Therefore, one’s initial line of defense against misleading news lies not in the plethora of fact-checking devices but more in one’s pre-existing dispositions and skills to think and act in response to misleading information. This ability can be referred to as critical thinking, which can be more concretely expounded as “reasonable and reflective thinking focused on deciding what to believe or do” (Ennis, 2011, p. 15).
然而,即便「假新聞」一詞隨處可見,卻沒有統一、可衡量的方式來量化新聞的虛假性或真實性。目前有許多事實查核與媒體偏見檢測工具,但它們無法客觀地檢測與說明行為操弄者更狡猾、更細緻的目標,而這些操弄者往往在新聞的生產中發揮著重要作用。我們也可以說,新聞的真實性不僅取決於試圖操弄它的行為者,同時還取決於新聞受眾的位置性。因此,一個人對抗誤導性新聞的第一道防線,不在於這些五花八門的事實查核方式,反而在於個人所固有的性格,以及針對誤導性資訊的思考與行動等相關技能。這種能力可稱為批判性思考(critical thinking),意即「專注於決定相信什麼或做什麼的理性思考與反思性思考」(Ennis, 2011, p. 15)。
Taiwan, also known as the Republic of China (ROC), is at the forefront of information warfare. It is wedged between the geopolitical struggles of global and regional hegemonies such as the United States and China, the People's Republic of China (PRC). Compounding the matter are the Taiwan’s own political actors vying for influence and power. This struggle seeps into all aspects of life and practice, mainly manifesting itself on social media, a battleground of information warfare. The Ministry of Education of Taiwan is cognizant of these information campaigns, and efforts have been made to introduce media literacy into all parts of its education system. According to the ministry, the government has tried to promote media literacy education since 2000 (MOE, 2002, p. 1), with one of its primary goals to cultivate its “citizens” abilities for independent learning, critical thinking, and problem solving” (MOE, 2002, p. 2).
臺灣,也被稱為中華民國,正處於資訊戰的最前線。這是全球霸權與地區霸權之間——如美國與中國(中華人民共和國)——的地緣政治對抗。使問題惡化的是臺灣自身的政治行動者對影響力與權力的奪取。這場對抗遍布於現實生活的各個面向,主要於社群媒體中——資訊戰的戰場——展露無遺。臺灣的教育部注意到了這些資訊的煙硝,並已努力將媒體素養引入其教育體系。據該部稱,自2000年以來,政府一直試圖推展媒體素養教育(MOE, 2002, p. 1),其主要目標之一是培養「公民獨立學習、批判性思考以及解決問題的能力。」(MOE, 2002, p. 2)。
★★★★★★★★★★★★
上述段落認為,由於個人的位置性(positionality),「假新聞」極難定義。此外,有許多人把不符合自身成見與偏好的新聞逕斥為假新聞。這其實相當危險,因為個人觀點將會變得愈發孤立與激進。
閱聽人應意識到,他們在網路上看到的每個資訊都有特定立場。是否真有毫無立場的新聞文章?為了對抗操弄性或強制性資訊(coercive information),我們必須意識到權力於個中的作用,以及我們自身的位置性如何形塑我們的詮釋。這是我們的第一道防線。
★★★★★★★★★★★★
參考文獻
Doshi, R. (2020, January). China steps up its information war in Taiwan. Foreign Affairs. Retrieved March, 21, 2021, from https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/china/2020-01-09/china-steps-its-information-war-taiwan
Ennis, R. H. (1985). A logical basis for measuring critical thinking skills. Educational leadership, 43(2), 44-48.
Lazer, D. M., Baum, M. A., Benkler, Y., Berinsky, A. J., Greenhill, K. M., Menczer, F., ... & Zittrain, J. L. (2018). The science of fake news. Science, 359(6380), 1094-1096.
MOE (Ministry of Education), Taiwan. (2002). White paper on media literacy educational policy. Retrieved March, 21, 2021, from http://english.moe.gov.tw/public/Attachment/ 2122416591771.pdf
Prier, J. (2017). Commanding the trend: Social media as information warfare. Strategic Studies Quarterly: SSQ, 11(4), 50-85.
★★★★★★★★★★★★
教育時評: http://bit.ly/39ABON9
相關詞彙: https://bit.ly/2UncrfI
TED相關影片: https://bit.ly/3BDsDKl
foreign policy paper 在 吳濬彥 Wu Jun Yen Facebook 的最佳解答
編輯:收到之鋒單獨隔離囚禁期間寫下的來信。他現已結束隔離囚禁,狀態尚好。之鋒在鐵窗之內最為掛心12港人已經送中超過100天,並希望香港人繼續聲援所有失去自由的手足。
《監獄中的監獄》(Please scroll for English version)
在11月23日不幸遭法官在未作判刑前,便宣布即時還柙後,我本來已有意在patreon發表獄中書簡,跟關心我的朋友述說再度入獄的想法。結果卻因當晚突然被單獨囚禁的狀況而大失預算。即便已有三次坐監的經驗,但被送到「監獄中的監獄」囚禁,實在是始料不及。我花了不少時間與精神,方能驅使自己平伏下來整理思緒,過程實在不是容易。
還柙首天,我被送到去年六月才步出的荔枝角收押所,然後進行不陌生的入冊程序 —— 見長官、換囚衣和領取個人用品等。本來我已對這些程序諷刺地感到熟悉,但到了下午四時左右,當我跟林朗彥相繼完成初到荔枝角收柙所的各項程序並呆坐於指模房一角等侯指示時,保安組職員突然將我帶往收押所醫院。我本來以為在獄中見醫生是基於程序需要,結果卻被帶到收押所醫院走廊盡頭的單人囚室,那刻我才深知不妙,也成了惡夢真正的開端。
到達單人囚室後,懲教人員表示我需要等待長官前來講解狀況,並拋下一句「你之後應該都喺到」便離開。等待過程中我感到非常不安,不斷猜想懲教會搬出甚麼原因來把我隔離囚禁於單人囚室。結果千算萬算也算不到,懲教表示我的X光片有不妥——懷疑我肚內藏有異物,諸如毒品、戒指或金銀器等,故此我需要接受為期數天的隔離囚禁。
之前三次入獄也有照過X-ray,自問從來跟毒品二字完全沾不上邊,而還柙前的三餐也是正常食物,對於這個奇怪結果完全摸不着頭腦。另外,因為懲教院方並不允許在囚人士檢查X光片,即沒有途徑和渠道查證,所以對於這個檢查結果更是無從稽考。
因被懷疑體內藏有毒品而在醫院隔離囚禁,囚禁的待遇比起「水飯房」還要不堪。一般而言,還柙侯判的在囚人士於日間均會在有三至四十人的活動室打發時間,而晚上則回到五人囚室休息。惟我被隔離囚禁期間,除了探訪和洗澡以外,基本上是半步都不能踏出這個七十多呎的囚室,不能「放風」亦連一小時户外活動的時間也不被允許。由於整項隔離措施是應對在囚人士體內藏有毒品為前提,所以懲教職員每隔四小時便會來量我的血壓及檢查血含氧量。除了凌晨一時及四時也需起床作檢查外,囚室也是二十四小時開着燈的,所以我需要把CSI口罩當眼罩使用,才能勉強入睡。
最難捱的是,由於整個隔離囚禁的原意是希望體內藏有毒品人士將毒品排出體外,所以我並不能使用囚室的馬桶,而水龍頭也不會有水,以杜絕在囚人士將毒品沖走的可能。取而代之的,就是院所提供的塑膠便盤。但因為便盤的更換次數不足,我只能在洗手盆如廁小解。在囚人士排泄於便盤後,需知會懲教署保安組前來囚室,仔細檢查排泄物有否藏有藥丸或毒品之類的異物。當檢查程序完畢後,職員便會要求在囚人士在一張「單獨觀察」的紙張上簽名作實。我仍然歷歷在目每次簽署時看到紙張清楚列明「懷疑在囚人士體內藏有毒品」一欄,感覺實在很不好受。
據聞隔離囚禁一般為期三至五日,而今天已是正式被單獨囚禁的第二天。但願此信寄出及發佈的時候,我已結束隔離。在還未能適應及消化自己已身處監獄裏的事實,就被送往單獨囚禁,斷絕了一切活動及溝通,的確不好捱,情緒亦難免受到牽動。故此,抱歉我暫未能在大政治和社會環境的層面提供什麼分析,但我知道還有很多手足正在面臨官司,或和我一樣身陷囹圄,還望大家繼續有幾多做幾多,讓他們知道自己不是孤身一人。下周一(30日)是12港人被捕送中100天的日子,亦懇請大家繼續關注。
最後想說,面對未知的官司刑期及種種不確定性,必須坦誠地說會有不安及焦慮,但正如我再步入犯人欄時說到「大家頂住,我知道外面嘅人更加辛苦,繼續努力。」,我也會學習把獄中遭遇的苦難轉化為驅使自己成長的果實。我知道絕不容易,但我會努力頂住,共勉之。
之鋒
25/11/2020
The prison inside prison
After my immediate remand on November 23, I had intended to send letters from the prison to update you my latest situation in jail after my remand on November 23. But owing to the sudden solitary confinement that night, it turned out that I was unable to do so. Although I have been in prison three times, being held in the prison isolation unit is far beyond my expectation. It took me a lot of time and energy to calm myself down and reorganise my thoughts.
On the first day of remand in Lai Chi Kok Reception Centre, I went through the registration procedures—meeting with officers, changing into prison clothes and obtaining daily necessities. The procedures are very familiar as I was released from here in June. At about 4 pm, Ivan Lam and I completed all procedures and waiting for further instructions in the fingerprinting room, officers from the security team suddenly took me to the hospital in the Centre. While I thought it was a normal procedure to see doctor, I was taken to a single cell at the end of the hospital corridor. At that moment, I knew it was the beginning of the nightmare.
After arriving the single cell, the correctional officer told me that I needed to wait for a senior officer to explain the situation and said, "You should be here for a while." During waiting for the senior officer, I felt very disturbed and kept wondering why they moved me to solitary confinement. In the end, the senior provided a highly unexpected reason—there were "foreign objects" in my stomach, the officer said, they could be drugs, rings or gold and silver objects. Therefore, I needed to be in solitary confinement for several days until they found out what the "foreign objects" were.
I have taken X-rays for a few times, but nothing happened before, I was completely confused about the X-rays result. I have never had anything to do with drugs, and all food I had before remand were normal food. Moreover, under the current policy, the prison administration does not allow inmates to see their X-rays, so there is no way to verify the results.
As the officers suspected I possess drugs in my body, the treatment was even worse than normal solitary confinement. Generally speaking, persons in remand can spend their time in the activity room with three to forty other inmates in the daytime and return to their five-personal cell at night. However, what happened to me was, apart from visiting by my friends and relatives and taking a shower, I basically could not leave the single cell. I was even not allowed to have one hour of outdoor activity. Since the isolation was based on the presumption of possession of drugs, correctional officers would check my blood pressure and oxygen saturation every four hours even at midnight. The light in the cell was also kept turning on 24 hours a day, so I needed to use my face mask as the blindfold to barely put myself to sleep.
The most difficult thing was that since the original intent of the entire confinement was to let persons excrete drugs from their body, so I could not use the toilet in the cell, and the tap did not have water to prevent people from flushing drugs away. Instead, officers would provide a plastic plate. But because of the lack of replacement of the toilet plate, I could only use the washbasin to urinate. After the I excreted in the plate, I needed to inform the officer to come to the cell and check the excrement for any foreign objects such as pills or drugs. When the process was completed, the officers would ask me to sign an "isolated observation" form. I still remembered the uncomfortable feeling when I saw the form clearly stated "suspected possession of drugs in the inmate's body" every time I signed the paper.
To my understanding, such solitary confinement generally lasts three to five days, and today is the second day of formal solitary confinement. I hope that when this letter is sent and published, the isolation is ended. Before I could adapt the fact that I was already in prison, I was sent to solitary confinement and all activities and communication were cut off. It was indeed difficult to endure, and I am sorry that I have not yet provided any analysis of the politics and social environment. But I know that there are still many other Hong Kong protesters who are facing lawsuits or are in jail like me. I hope you can continue to do as much as you can to let them know they are not alone. Monday (November 30) is the day when 12 Hongkongers were arrested and sent to Mainland China for 100 days, I urge everyone to continue to pay attention to them.
Finally, I want to be frank that, in the face of uncertainties, I just feel uneasy and anxious. However, as I said when I stepped into the dock in the courtroom, "Hang in everyone, I know the situation that the people outside face will be more difficult. Keep fighting." I will also learn to turn the pains and sufferings I encountered in prison into the power that drives my growth. I know it will never be easy, but I will try my best.
Joshua
25/11/2020
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