Meng has been battling extradition to the US since her 2018 arrest in Canada.
extradition 在 Engadget Facebook 的精選貼文
同時也有145部Youtube影片，追蹤數超過8萬的網紅Jackz，也在其Youtube影片中提到，【當年今日】 這是最好的時代，也是最壞的時代。 有人說我們的社會撕裂，但我卻感受到香港人史無前例的團結。 It was the best of times, it was the worst of times. Some said social cleavages emerged in our c...
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- 關於extradition 在 Engadget Facebook 的精選貼文
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- 關於extradition 在 Jackz Youtube 的最讚貼文
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extradition 在 黃浩銘 Raphael Wong Facebook 的精選貼文
毋忘五大訴求 公民抗命有理
—10‧20九龍遊行陳情書
（案件編號：DCCC 535/2020）
——————————————————
「毋忘初衷，活在愛和真實之中」
撐阿銘，即訂閱Patreon：
patreon.com/raphaelwong
—————————————————
胡法官雅文閣下：
2012年，我第一次站在法庭上承認違反「公安惡法」，述說對普選的盼望，批評公安惡法不義，並因公民抗命的緣故，甘心樂意接受刑罰。當年我說，如果小圈子選舉沒有被廢除，惡法沒有消失，我依然會一如故我，公民抗命，並且我相信將會有更多學生和市民加入這個行列。想不到時至今日，普選仍然遙遙無期，我亦再次被帶到法庭接受審判，但只是短短７年，已經有數十萬計的群眾公民抗命，反對暴政。今日，我承認違反「未經批准的政府」所訂立「未經批准的惡法」之下的「未經批准集結」罪，我不打算尋求法庭的憐憫，但請容許我佔用法庭些微時間陳情，讓法庭在判刑前有全面考慮。
暴力之濫觴
在整個反修例運動如火如荼之際，我正承擔另一宗公民抗命案件的刑責。雖然身在獄中，但仍然心繫手足。我在獄中電視機前見證6月9日、6月16日及8月18日三次百萬港人大遊行，幾多熱愛和平的港人冒天雨冒彈雨走上街頭，抗議不義惡法，今日關於10月20日的案件，亦是如此。可能有人會問，政府已在6月暫緩修例，更在9月正式撤回修例，我等仍然繼續示威，豈非無理取鬧？我相信法官閣下肯定聽過「遲來的正義並非正義」（Justice delayed is justice denied）這句格言。當過百萬群眾走上街頭，和平表達不滿的時候，林鄭政府沒有理睬，反而獨行獨斷，粗暴踐踏港人的意願，結果製造出後來連綿不絕的爭拗，甚至你死我活的對抗。經歷眾多衝突痛苦之後，所謂暫緩撤回，已經微不足道，我們只是更加清楚：沒有民主，就連基本人權都不會擁有！
在本案之中，雖然我們都沒有鼓動或作出暴力行為，但根據早前8‧18及10‧1兩宗案件，相信在控方及法庭眼中，案發當日的暴力事件仍然可以算在我們頭上，如此，我有必要問：如果香港有一個公平正義的普及選舉，人民可以在立法會直接否決他們不認可的法律，試問2019年的暴力衝突可以從何而來呢？如果我們眼見的暴力是如此十惡不赦，那麼我們又如何看待百萬人遊行後仍然堅持推行惡法的制度暴力呢？如果我們不能接受人民暴力反抗，那麼我們是否更加不能對更巨大更壓逼的制度暴力沈默不言？真正且經常發生的暴力，是漠視人民訴求的暴力，是踐踏人民意見的暴力，是剝奪人民表達權利的暴力。真正憎恨暴力，痛恨暴力的人，不可能一方面指摘暴力反抗，又容忍制度暴力。如果我需要承擔和平遊行引發出來的暴力事件的刑責，那麼誰應該承擔施政失敗所引發出來的社會騷亂的罪責呢？
社會之病根
對於法庭而言，可能2019年所發生的事情只是一場社會騷亂，務必追究違法者個人責任。然而，治亂治其本源，醫病醫其病根，我雖然公民抗命，刻意違法，控方把我帶上法庭，但我卻不應被理解為一個「犯罪個體」。2019年所發生的事情，並不是我一個人或我們這幾位被告可以促成，社會問題的癥結不是「犯罪份子」本身，而是「犯罪原因」。我明白「治亂世用重典」的道理，但如果「殺雞儆猴」是解決方法，就不會在2016年發生旺角騷亂及2017年上訴庭對示威者施以重刑後，2019年仍然會爆發出更大規模的暴力反抗。
如果不希望社會動亂，就必須正本清源，逐步落實「五大訴求」，從根本上改革，挽回民心。2019年反修例運動，其實只是2014年雨傘運動的延續而已，縱使法庭可能認為兩個運動皆是「一股歪風」所引起，但我必須澄清，兩個運動的核心就是追求民主普選，人民當家作主。在2019年11月24日區議會選舉這個最類近全民普選的選舉中，接近300萬人投票，民主派大勝，奪得17個區議會主導權，這就是整個反修例運動的民意，民意就是反對政府決策，反對制度暴力，反對推行惡法，不容爭辯，不辯自明。我們作為礦場裡的金絲雀，多次提醒政府撤回修法，並從根本上改革制度，而在10月20日的九龍遊行當然是反映民意的平台契機。如今，法庭對我們施加重刑，其實只不過是懲罰民意，將金絲雀困在鳥籠之內，甚至扼殺於鼓掌之中，窒礙表達自由。
堅持之重要
大運動過後的大鎮壓，使我們失去《蘋果日報》，失去教協，失去民陣，不少民主派領袖以及曾為運動付出的手足戰友都囚於獄中，不少曾經熱情投入運動的朋友亦因《國安法》的威脅轉為低調，新聞自由示威自由日漸萎縮，公民社會受到沈重打擊，我亦失去不少摯友，有感傷孤獨的時候，但我仍然相信，2019年香港人的信念，以及所展現人類的光輝持久未變。我不會忘記百萬人民冒雨捱熱抗拒暴政，抵制惡法，展現我們眾志成城；我不會忘記人潮紅海，讓道救護車，展現我們文明精神；我不會忘記年青志士直接行動反對苛政，捨身成仁，展現我們膽色勇氣；我不會忘記銀髮一族走上街頭保護年青人，展現我們彼此關懷；我不會忘記「五大訴求」，不會忘記2019年區議會選舉，展現我們有理有節。
法官閣下，我對於當日的所作所為，不感羞恥，毫無悔意。我能夠在出獄後與群眾同行一路，與戰友同繫一獄，實是莫大榮幸。若法治失去民主基石，將使法庭無奈地接受專制政權所訂立解釋的法律限制，隨時變成政治工具掃除異見，因此爭取民主普選，建設真正法治，追求公平正義，仍然是我的理想。在這條路上，如有必要，我仍然會公民抗命，正如終審法院海外非常任法官賀輔明（Lord Hoffmann）所言，發自良知的公民抗命有悠久及光榮的傳統，歷史將證明我們是正確的。我期望，曾與我一起遊行抗命的手足戰友要堅持信念，在艱難歲月裡毋忘初衷，活在愛和真實之中。
最後，如9年前一樣，我想借用美國民權領袖馬丁路德金牧師的一番話對我們的反對者說：「我們將以自己忍受苦難的能力，來較量你們製造苦難的能力。我們將用我們靈魂的力量，來抵禦你們物質的暴力。對我們做你們想做的事吧，我們仍然愛你們。我們不能憑良心服從你們不公正的法律，因為拒惡與為善一樣是道德責任。將我們送入監獄吧，我們仍然愛你們。」（We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you.）
願慈愛的主耶穌賜我們平安，與我和我一家同在，與法官閣下同在，與香港人同在。沒有暴徒，只有暴政；五大訴求，缺一不可！願榮耀歸上帝，榮光歸人民！
第五被告
黃浩銘
二零二一年八月十九日
Lest we forget the five demands: civil disobedience is morally justified
- Statement on 10‧20 Kowloon Rally
(Case No.: DCCC 535/2020)
Your Honour Judge Woodcock
In 2012, I stood before the court and admitted to violating the "Public Security Evil Law". I expressed my hope for universal suffrage, criticized the evil law as unjust, and willingly accepted the penalty for civil disobedience. Back then, I said that if the small-circle election had not been abolished and the draconian law had not disappeared, I would still be as determined as I was, and I believe that more students and citizens would join this movement. Today, universal suffrage is still a long way off, and I have been brought before the court again for trial. But in just seven years, hundreds of thousands of people have already risen up in civil disobedience against tyranny. Today, I plead guilty to "unauthorised assembly" under an unapproved evil law enacted by an unauthorised government. I do not intend to seek the court's mercy, but please allow me to take up a little time in court to present my case so that the court can consider all aspects before sentencing me.
The roots of violence
At the time when the whole anti-extradition law movement was in full-swing, I was taking responsibility for another civil disobedience case. Although I was in prison, my heart was still with the people. I witnessed the three million-person rallies on 9 June, 16 June and 18 August on television in prison, when many peace-loving people took to the streets despite the rain and bullets, to protest against unjust laws. Some people may ask, "The Government has already suspended the legislative amendments in June and formally withdrew the bill in September, but we are still demonstrating, are we not being unreasonable?" I am sure your Honour has heard of the adage "Justice delayed is justice denied". When more than a million people took to the streets to express their discontent peacefully, the Lam administration ignored them and instead acted arbitrarily, brutally trampling on the wishes of the people of Hong Kong, resulting in endless arguments and even confrontations. After so many conflicts and painful experiences, the so-called moratorium is no longer meaningful. We only know better: without democracy, we cannot even have basic human rights!
In this case, although we did not instigate or commit acts of violence, I believe that in the eyes of the prosecution and the court, the violence on the day of the incident can still be counted against us, based on the August 18 and October 1 case. And now I must ask - If Hong Kong had a fair and just universal election, and the public could directly veto laws they did not approve of at the Legislative Council, then how could the violent clashes of 2019 have come about? If the violence we see is so heinous, how do we feel about the institutional violence that insists on the imposition of draconian laws even after millions of people have taken to the streets? If we cannot accept violent rebellion, how can we remain silent in the face of even greater and more oppressive institutional violence? The true and frequent violence is the kind of violence that ignores people's demands, that tramples on their opinions, that deprives them of their right to express themselves. People who truly hate violence and abhor it cannot accuse violent resistance on the one hand and tolerate institutional violence on the other. If I have to bear the criminal responsibility for the violence caused by the peaceful demonstration, then who should bear the criminal responsibility for the social unrest caused by failed administration?
The roots of society's problems
From a court's point of view, it may be that what happened in 2019 was just a series of social unrest, and that those who broke the law must be held personally accountable. What happened in 2019 was not something that I alone or the defendants could have made possible, and the crux of the social problem was not the 'criminals' but the 'causes of crime'. I understand the concept of " applying severe punishment to a troubled world", but if "decimation" was really the solution, there would not have been more violent rebellions in 2019 after the Mongkok "riot" in 2016 and the heavy sentences handed down to protesters by the Court of Appeal in 2017.
If we do not want social unrest, we must get to the root of the problem and implement the "five demands" step by step, so as to achieve fundamental reforms and win back the hearts of the people. 2019's anti-revision movement is indeed a continuation of 2014's Umbrella Movement, and even though the court may think that both movements are caused by a "perverse wind", I must clarify that the core of both movements is the pursuit of democracy and universal suffrage, and the people being the masters of their own house. In the District Council election on 24 November 2019, which is the closest thing to universal suffrage, nearly 3 million people voted, and the democratic camp won a huge victory, winning majority in 17 District Councils. As canaries in the monetary coal mine, we have repeatedly reminded the government to withdraw the extradition bill and fundamentally reform the system, and the march in Kowloon on 20 October was certainly an opportunity to reflect public opinion. Now, by imposing heavy penalties on us, the court is only punishing public opinion, trapping the canaries in a birdcage, or even stifling them in the palm of their hands, suffocating the freedom of expression.
The importance of persistence
As a result of the crackdown after the mass movement, we lost Apple Daily, the Hong Kong Professional Teachers' Union, and the Civil Human Rights Front. Many of our democratic leaders and comrades who had contributed to the movement were imprisoned, and many of our friends who had been passionately involved in the movement had been forced to lay low under the threat of the National Security Law. I still believe that the faith of Hong Kong people and the glory of humanity seen in 2019 will remain unchanged. I will never forget the millions of people who braved the rain and the heat to resist tyranny and evil laws, demonstrating our unity of purpose; I will never forget the crowds of people who gave way to ambulances, demonstrating our civility; I will never forget the young people who sacrificed their lives, demonstrating our courage and bravery; I will never forget the silver-haired who took to the streets to protect the youth, demonstrating our care for each other; I will never forget the "five demands" and the 2019 District Council election, demonstrating our rationality and decency.
Your Honour, I have nothing to be ashamed of and no remorse for what I did on that day. It is my great honour to be in prison with my comrades and to be able to walk with the public after my release. If the rule of law were to lose its democratic foundation, the courts would have no choice but to accept the legal restrictions set by the autocratic regime and become a political tool to eliminate dissent at any time. As Lord Hoffmann, a non-permanent overseas judge of the Court of Final Appeal, said, civil disobedience from the conscience has a long and honourable tradition, and history will prove us right. I hope that my comrades in arms who walked with me in protests will keep their faith and live in love and truth in the midst of this difficult time.
Finally, as I did nine years ago, I would like to say something to those who oppose us, borrowing the words of American civil rights leader Reverend Martin Luther King: "We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you."
Peace be with me and my family, with Your Honour, and with the people of Hong Kong. There are no thugs, only tyranny; five demands, not one less! To god be the glory and to people be the glory!
The Fifth Defendant
Wong Ho Ming
19 August 2021
extradition 在 和平製品 Paixpro Facebook 的精選貼文
世界青年日
International Youth Day
是一個由聯合國發起設立的節日。第一個國際青年日是在2000年8月12日 。聯合國在1999年通過了第54/120號決議，將每年的8月12日定為國際青年日。
國際青年日的設立為各國政府重視青年問題提供了契機。各地在國際青年日這一天，會舉辦演唱會、研討會、文化活動和會議等各種形式的慶祝活動，通常會有當地的政府官員參加這些活動。
2021年的主題為:轉型糧食體系:青年創新促進人類和地球健康。可想而知，還有另外一個更優先的事項，那就是冠狀病毒COVID-19的大爆發，幸運的是，在台灣政府、指揮所、人民共同努力之下，我們不只控制了本日的本土個案數量，也從三級降至了二級。
除了這點，我做這個節日還有別的原因，那就是青年參與政治運動。
從好幾年前的太陽花學運開始，這幾年的香港雨傘運動、泰國學運，都讓我們見識到了許多青年的決心與發聲，卻也發生了各種與家庭與社會與國家原先的平衡，這也是從我聽到報導者所錄製的廣播「一對「豬嘴情侶」的流亡故事：用港點外賣，把香港故事傳出去、把家找回來」，聽完後我才再想，當年發生了太陽花運動，有多少年輕人跟自己的父母或親戚有了爭執甚至斷絕關係。
直到現在，我還是覺得，勇敢說出自己的想法，並且接納、討論、思考，是成為更好的個人、族群、社會的一條途徑。
趁機感謝報導者一直做出這麼好的報導與廣播，你們太棒了。大家快去聽！
本文參考：
1.一對「豬嘴情侶」的流亡故事：用港點外賣，把香港故事傳出去、把家找回來
https://reurl.cc/W39Dry
2.專訪泰國學運領袖：無懼15年刑罰，為何他們激進喊出「王室改革」？
https://www.twreporter.org/a/thailand-student-protest-1
3.香港反送中兩週年：運動窮途下的消音與抵抗
https://www.twreporter.org/a/hong-kong-extradition-law-second-anniversary
#paixpro #和平製品 #5400project #illustration #illustrations #illustrationart #illustrationoftheday #illustrationartists #illustrationgram #illustrationartist #illustrationmagazine #illustrationdaily #illustrationdesign #illustrationage #illustrationwork #illustrationfashion #illustrationfriday #illustrationsketch #illustrationforchildren #illustrationstudent #illustrationnow #illustrationer #報導者
extradition 在 Jackz Youtube 的最讚貼文
【當年今日】
這是最好的時代，也是最壞的時代。
有人說我們的社會撕裂，但我卻感受到香港人史無前例的團結。
It was the best of times, it was the worst of times.
Some said social cleavages emerged in our city,
but what I witnessed was an unprecedented unity of HongKongers.
2019年6月16日，香港經歷有史以來最大規模的示威遊行活動。多達200萬人參與遊行，抗議政府修訂《逃犯條例》草案。除撤回修訂逃犯條例外，不少民眾要求行政長官林鄭月娥下台。身穿黑衣的示威人潮迫滿街頭，令港島一帶馬路宛如「黑海」。亦有不少人手持白花，紀念日前在太古廣場墜樓的「梁烈士」。示威者手持不同的標語表達訴求，當中包括「學生沒有暴動」、「釋放被捕人士」、「追究警暴」等等。當首批遊行人士抵達金鐘添馬公園終點的時候，仍有不少遊行人士在維多利亞公園等待出發。儘管香港在當年暑假發生了一連串的事件，特首林鄭月娥要到9月初才正式撤回備受爭議的《逃犯條例》修訂草案。
毋忘，勿諒。?
0:00 On 16 June 2019, Hong Kong experienced its largest protest in history.
0:05 As many as 2 million people demonstrated against the controversial extradition bill.
0:09 Many called for Chief Executive Carrie Lam to step down.
0:12 Protesters wearing black clothes filled streets and turned roads into a sea of black.
0:16 Many also mourned “martyr” Marco Leung, who fell to his death at Pacific Place the day before.
0:22 Demands reflected in placards included "Students are not rioters", "Release detained protesters" and "Investigate police brutality".
0:29 When the first group of marchers arrived at the march's endpoint, Tamar Park in Admiralty, there were still protesters waiting to leave Victoria Park in Causeway Bay.
0:35 Despite the infamous 721, 831 incidents throughout the summer, Carrie Lam did not declare full withdrawal of the controversial bill amendment until early September.
0:41 Never forget. Never forgive. ?
#兩年前 #二百萬零一人 #香港人加油
References:
【616遊行全紀錄】周一早晨示威者商議後轉往添馬公園集結，金鐘夏慤道重新開放
https://theinitium.com/article/20190616-hongkong-extradition-bill-protest-live/
Hong Kong Timeline 2019-2021: Anti-Extradition Protests & National Security Law
https://www.hrichina.org/en/hong-kong-timeline-2019-2021-anti-extradition-protests-national-security-law
Hong Kong protest: 'Nearly two million' join demonstration
https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-48656471
extradition 在 Campus TV, HKUSU 香港大學學生會校園電視 Youtube 的最讚貼文
二零二零年度第七次評議會常務會議｜The 7th Ordinary Council Meeting
Date: 27th January 2021 (Wednesday)
Time: 19:00 –
Venue: Union Council Chamber UG201, Union Building
Agenda
0. Meeting call to order and sing the Union Song
Section A
1. To read out the correspondences
2. To receive maiden speeches of new Council members
3. To report the motions carried by circulation
4. To elect the Chairperson of Union Council
5. To receive and adopt the agenda
6. To receive and adopt the minutes of previous Meetings
Section B
1. To appoint members of Council Committees
a. Union Finance Committee
b. Constitution Review Committee
2. To approve membership of the Council Secretariat, HKUSU Council, Session 2020
3. Questions put to the Union Executives, other Councillors, other Official Observers, Council Committees, or Union sub-organisations
4. To review affiliation applications
a. Hornell Hall Students’ Association
5. To review the affiliation status of sub-organisations
a. Fencing Club, HKUSU
b. Basketball Club, HKUSU
c. Squash Rackets Club, HKUSU
6. To receive the report of Anti-Extradition Bill Publication Editorial Board, HKUSU Council, Session 2019
7. To discuss the amendments of Union Council Election Regulation
8. To discuss attendance issues of council members
9. To discuss possible violation of Council Resolution by the Union Executive Committee
10. To discuss the authority of sub-organisations to invalidate general meeting
11. Any other business
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extradition 在 MPWeekly明周 Youtube 的精選貼文
【#難為記者】警方日前拘捕香港電台《鏗鏘集》編導蔡玉玲，多個傳媒工會恐怕此舉摧毀新聞自由，造成寒蟬效應。
早在九月，警方修改了《警察通例》中傳媒代表的定義，香港記者協會會員不獲承證，令自由身記者受到影響。
《明周》採訪了兼任新聞系講師、自由身記者鄭美姿，談十月一日落場採訪戰戰競競之心情。當記協證仿如「罪證」，當新聞工作者成為新聞中的主角，記者應該何去何從？
採訪超過十年、專注撰寫人物訪問的鄭美姿，不忍見人的故事淹沒在人海裏，「當你喜歡這個地方，你不想大家面目模糊……」她認為，真的要經歷過失去，才會發現自己有多喜歡香港，而且可能很喜歡做記者，那份情感是相連的。
時至今日，更有記者被捕，她形容只能有畏懼地採訪：「因為寫，我才能驅走恐懼感。」
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extradition 在 Hong Kong's extradition law explained - YouTube 的必吃
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