Question 1

being grounded中文點石贏家小學堂 在Facebook 的評價

Accepted Answer

#點石風控獲利講座心得話說這是第一次看到EGO穿上西裝外套耶 XD而且他一開始就說講座前晚「興趣高漲！」不知道是小弟坐搖滾區關係，還是EGO氣場太強真的有種要突破超級賽亞人之牆的爆氣感啊！　　回到心得主題，我用兩個字做總結　　❗『突破』❗　　不要以為一場免費的講座，就能隨便糊弄帶過或是拿出以前的PPT來跟大家複習錯！EGO的字典裡只有2個字　　🎯『突破』🎯　　講座一開始，EGO就給我們下馬威「要是今天沒學到3樣東西你們就試試…」ㄟ，這是我腦補的啦，EGO是用感恩與祝福的師父心態「希望大家今天能至少學到3件事情」「而且是回去之後立刻就能用的技巧」　　既然都說了結論，那我就先透露我學到的3條　　☝Rule No.1 永遠練習當個贏家✌Rule No.2 通道策略還在進化👌Rule No.3 永遠不要放棄學習　　一開始老師就告訴我們「練習」的技巧包括他在星期六早上06:10就坐在電腦前面回測的熱情　　💪練習很重要，你練習「什麼」，你就專精於「什麼」「」裡頭的字，大家可以任意替換好比，你練習成為爸爸，你就專精於當好一個爸爸你練習鋼琴，你就專精成為一個鋼琴家🎹　　這其中還有一個小技巧，叫做「自證預言」（我的詮釋：自己證實了自己的預言）🧙‍♂　　你是不是天天都在對自己、對別人發出預言呢？　　#我就跟你說我不是讀書的料#我就告訴你老闆看我不順眼#我早就知道他從沒有愛過我#我早猜到這一定賠錢的啦#我…　　這些「念頭」是不是常常出現在你心中呢？　　一旦你在心中閃過這樣的語法與句子你可能正在詛咒自己？卻一點都不自知你可能正在呼喚全宇宙的力量還摧毀你？（當然薩諾斯的手套🥊還是比較厲害啦…）　　EGO老師給了我們一個「策略」來改變自證預言「QBQ」The Question Behind The Question中文書名叫做「QBQ 問題背後的問題」（不是B&Q 更不是 BBQ🍖 請大家嚴肅一點！）　　QBQ這本書告訴我們怎麼使用正確的句子來回應問題　　當我們遇到問題時，請立刻用三個元素來回答　　「我😲」＋「該如何🔧」＋「行動🧲」　　#我就跟你說我不是讀書的料🎤我＋該如何＋開始讀10頁的書#我就告訴你老闆看我不順眼🎤我＋該如何＋讓老闆尊重我#我早就知道他從沒有愛過我🎤我＋該如何＋讓女朋友關注我#我早猜到這一定賠錢的啦🎤我＋該如何＋下一次不要賠錢　　從問對問題開始，就回答了自己50%以上的答案了　　這是第一個突破，是信念上的「突破」也呼應了EGO今天在小贏家粉絲頁上提到的「能力圈」　　🎯能力圈指的是由你真正擅長並懂得的知識組成的，而且在這些領域裡，你要比90%的人都做得好。　　🎯美國職棒名人堂打者泰德威廉斯只揮打自己擅長的球路，成為史上偉大的打者。　　🎯關於能力圈，我們學到更重要的概念是：「在能力圈內行動，在舒適圈外學習。」　　這就是突破的核心概念#我們「突破」舒適圈，然後獲得能力圈首要突破的，就是自己替自己層層固守的僵固之心了每一次都用一樣的念頭來回應問題你絕不會得到不同的答案的所以，請善用EGO的第一個錦囊1⃣「QBQ」　　_____今天的第二個學習，也是同樣來自「突破」　　大家都知道EGO最強的策略之一「通道策略」在於反人性思考的進場點位置，與風控技巧　　然而這段期間以來，EGO關在白色的精神時光屋🏛裡一直不斷與K線圖搏鬥，還有服用👁葉黃素保護眼睛啦然後某一天，他突然就進化、升級、突破了！　　在原有的通道策略上，他開發了新的觀察技巧讓通道策略像鷹眼的箭一樣準🎯像蜘蛛人的網一樣全面🕶像鋼鐵人面罩底下有點風流有點帥…🎭(ㄟ)　　這個祕密關鍵就是「突破」　　突破的位置、突破的強度、突破的時間（請恕小弟保留一點點祕密啦 嘿嘿嘿…）　　加上這個突破秘訣之後讓近期的通道策略，漲幅都突破60%🤑以上（老師好像都有曝光在臉書上了耶 Orz）　　這是老師送給講座大家的第二個錦囊2⃣「突破」　　_____第三個學習，其實是老師一開場講的重點　　「偵查員心態」Scout Mindset🔭這是相對於「士兵心態」，兩者有著截然不同的導向　　大家都有玩過「世紀帝國」嗎？遊戲一開始，大家都有一匹騎著馬的士兵🏇「斥候」他的功能是什麼呢？　　1. 繞來繞去2. 轉來轉去3. 閃來閃去4. 看來看去5. 以上皆是　　答案是「5」，他就是不介入交戰、不主動挑戰但卻是遊戲開局最重要的單位之一🐴　　因為他具備「看透大局」的偵查能力哪裡有資源、哪裡有森林、哪裡有野豬哪裡有金礦、哪裡有營寨、哪裡有城鎮🍖　　雖然他也是士兵單位，但偵查的好你越來快速佔據資源、攻擊敵人、影響士氣更能搶佔遊戲先機，發揮過人一等的績效　　回到講座，什麼是「偵查員心態」呢？　　Being curios #要好奇Being open #要開放Being grounded #要踏實　　好奇，對於所見所聞都充滿新奇，激發探索的好奇心開放，歡迎檢驗自己信念的測試，不會認為改變想法就是認輸踏實，不因為自己錯了，就認為自己很糟糕或很愚蠢　　這裡又可以聯繫到EGO在 #交易員培訓班 上提到　　心之銘印（也可稱作心田），是「空」、「鏡」任何事物的表徵，都是中性的、客觀的但我們產生的情緒，都是因為「自身的看法」　　想像一面鏡子，鏡子的本身並不映照出什麼只有當東西在鏡子前時，鏡子才如實客觀的反映　　這是否也是一種偵查員心情：🔬面對表象，都保持「中立、客觀」的心情面對用自己的能力去檢驗，對了很好，錯了改正　　偵查員不是一昧想著要讓某一方獲勝而是要誠實、精準的看到真實狀況即便那情況不如己意　　以股票來說，偵查員心態就是要你「看見當下的股價位置」#你看見已經下跌20%了嗎❗#你看見股價已經跌破月線了嗎📉　　很多人因為士兵心態，會過度守護自己所持有的股票（這也可以稱為「稟賦效應」，你可解釋為敝帚自珍）卻完全忽略股價「已經」跌了📌而仍存在其他的「盼望念頭」　　#主力還在買還有機會站回來😣#月線與季線糾結再等幾天😭　　唯有具備綜觀市場的偵查員能力你才能時時提醒自己，檢驗自己的信念並且做出改變的行動　　很有趣，這是不是又呼應到我第一點談到的「QBQ」呢QBQ不就是要你正確的看待問題本身嗎？　　原來EGO的3個錦囊根本就是鳴人的影分身之術啊！👀　　從風控衍生出的3個學習要點其實都回歸到風控的源頭上來了　　這才是真正的「突破」啊啊啊啊啊！我彷彿也能超越超級賽亞人之牆了💪　　_____本來想寫500字心得現在好像多了5倍出來…要跟EGO收稿費了唷　　短短的2.5小時，我的思維又再進化了這就是我期待的EGO – 總是讓人追不上的背影🏃‍♂　　但我更高興認識點石這個地方從風控開始，給了我更多落實與成長的技巧讓人「心頭定」、「腳步穩」、「一暝大一吋」的紮實感更讓我面對自身在股票市場，乃至於在生活中的各種心魔　　我想EGO不只是一位交易員，更是一個能啟迪人心的教學者他用自己的時間，學習更多領域、橫跨更多知識、斜槓更多生活，最後都反應在他的 #贏家哲學 ，「好還要更好」🤝　　如果你真的想要改變自己真的想要徹頭徹尾的進化真的想走出新手村、轉職贏家交易員真的想要看見不一樣的技巧真的想要每天都看見自己的進步　　不用懷疑，你做得到💯　　#股票交易員培訓課程第13梯這裡面有滿滿的乾貨📚有滿滿的信念手把手交給你有紮實的策略技巧一步步傳授有一起進步一起更好的贏家信仰　　我是第十梯培訓班學員我非常驕傲也非常滿意我上了培訓員課程他讓我真實明確的面對自己的不確定在明確的告訴我怎麼做、怎麼改變🔐　　想成為程式工程師，你會去職訓局會去巨匠、聯成電腦補習班會去大學旁聽、社大上課📒　　想成為鋼琴師，你要請一對一家教老師你要上補習班，你要考技能檢定你還得去英國留學…🏰　　同樣的，想成為一個更好的交易員你真的需要腳踏實地的做點什麼！EGO是我遇過最棒的交易教練同時也是成長最兇最猛的交易員🤯（就說他突破超級賽亞人之牆了啦！）　　如果你真的滑到這裡了我先謝謝你，可以領50元便當💌更重要的是，我相信你有那個信念　　要成為交易的贏家、要讓自己不斷成長📈　　📌推薦你！#股票交易員培訓課程📌（現在報名還有折扣耶耶耶耶！）　　📌課程說明：https://pse.is/DQB2R 📌（這裡按下去）日期：3/9、3/16@台北#總共三千零三個字#看完的請大家按讚鼓勵拜託拜託#真心推薦培訓班課程#別人推一把的成長比較慢#自己決定的改變才會讓你突破成長#認同的夥伴們請底下讚聲啦-----(以上轉貼學員聽完講座後的心得...ego我看得淚牛滿面啊啊啊！！！)

Question 2

being grounded中文搖滾太妃糖 Yoga & Life 在Facebook 的評價

Accepted Answer

古時候的人，如果要尋找上師，往往得經過口耳相傳的探訪，再歷經千辛萬苦跋山涉水後，才得以拜見隱居於深山洞穴的上師並向其虛心問教；而現在的我們，只要彈指間連上網路，便可以從youtube的影片中飽覽無數名師的教學頻道，欣賞他們輕盈優雅的體位姿態。這樣的我們是幸運的，但從某個層面來說，也可能不是，關鍵在於我們在這些爆炸的資訊中，在這些聲光影像的感官刺激中，能否保有清明的覺知來辨別學習最終的意圖。

我們要來與大家介紹一位老師-Sharmila Desai，她是一位優秀的女性練習者，你或許不曾看過她的體位法影片，也甚少看到她在社群媒體上宣傳自己的教學。她從1997年開始與Guruji及Sharath學習，是KPJAYI的認證老師(Certified)，也在Sharath的委託指示下，編撰了一本關於八肢瑜伽與母親的專書-Yoga Sadhanas for Mothers. 本就低調的她，在結婚成家之後，更有感於Guruji的諄諄提醒「活在當下」，因而決定全心陪伴孩子成長，所以在前些年鮮少有公開的教學活動。

我們有幸於2015年在Mysore認識她，也因為信安與她擔任同時段的助教，而有了更深一層的連結和默契；感謝這次她邀請我們參與她在首次在果亞Purple Valley舉辦的瑜伽營，讓我們有機會與她更近距離地互動，貼近感受她的溫柔力量，以及她多年專注於練習所自然呈現在生活中的從容和智慧。

以下將分享一份Sharmila老師的訪談，她接受中國一個瑜伽相關的網路平台的越洋郵件專訪，她花了非常多的時間，完全無私地分享她練習八肢瑜伽的歷程和體會，特別是以女性及母親的角度為出發點，相信能讓更多人更了解八肢瑜伽帶給我們生命的轉化意義；她總是謙虛地說，這些瑜伽的智慧都是她向前人所學習來的，因而她有義務要將這些智慧分享給更多的人。

訪談全文共分為五個部分，我將依序分段連載；以下為第一部份。

(以下英文原文為Sharmila老師提供連結，由我轉錄自該網路平台，中文部分也重新整理翻譯。原訪談之中英文可參考連結，附於文末。）

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Part 1: The Ashtanga Path
第一部分：八肢瑜伽之路

How do you find the practice? Can you tell something about your days with Guruji?

您是怎麼開始練習八肢瑜伽的？可以分享您與Guruji學習的故事嗎？

I was living in India on a fellowship from Columbia University and working on a project celebrating fifty years of Indian Independence in 1997. It was also the year that I met my Guruji, Shri K. Pattabhi Jois, in Lakshmipuram Mysore who introduced me to the path of Self knowledge through Ashtanga yoga.

Meeting and learning from Guruji was everything I had been searching for and more - a heightened amalgamation of all the dancing, prayer, community service and study I had done previously. Guruji had the ability to have his students fully harness a one pointed concentration (ekagrata) and feel the divine (ishvara pranidhana) when he taught yoga. He aptly dispelled any darkness through the Light of his teachings.

I began learning yoga from Guruji in the afternoon class for Indian students in Lakshmipuram. I did not own a yoga mat at the time so I practiced on the carpet and I learned very slowly. I remember simply practicing suryanamaskara and sitting in padmasana for a long while. Time stood still. Guruji taught me more over the years and I am so grateful for that very gradual growth. It properly established the foundation of the practice with everything gently flowing to and from that base.

1997年時，我正以哥倫比亞的獎學金在印度生活，並為一個慶祝印度獨立五十週年的計劃工作著，就在那年，我在邁索爾的Lakshmipuram遇見了我的Guruji(上師)—Shri K. Pattabhi Jois，他透過八肢瑜伽引領我走向追尋自我的道路。

遇見Guruji並能與他學習，深入融合了我過往在舞蹈、祈禱、社會服務和學術研究的所有經驗，這正是我一直以來所希冀追尋的。Guruji教授瑜伽時，能讓學生全心專注投入，並且從中感受到至上神性，他的諄諄教誨，有如驅散黑暗的一盞明燈。

我最初和Guruji練習瑜伽，是在Laximipuram開設給印度籍學生的下午班，那時我甚至還沒有瑜伽墊，只在地毯上練習，而且進度十分緩慢，我記得我就只練習拜日式和蓮花坐姿好長一段時間，時間有如靜止一般，年復一年，Guruji慢慢教我更多東西，我很感激這樣漸進式的學習和成長，一切皆由根基溫和而生、自在流動，奠定了我練習的基礎。

You are an accomplished dancer, how do you see the connection between dancing and yoga on both physical and spiritual level?

您是一位傑出的舞蹈家，您認為舞蹈與瑜伽在物質和精神層面有什麼樣的連結？

The everyday discipline of Indian classical dance prepared me for Ashtanga yoga as taught by the Jois family. As sadhanas rooted in India they share common elements - both are steeped in Indian mythology, are expressions of devotion and connect the inner and outer worlds of consciousness. Studying Indian dance required tremendous self motivation with a daily practice of two to four hours outside of class and much like Ashtanga yoga one could only move forward after mastery of the present lesson as the Guru saw it. The method to learn was slow and thorough, daily with an emphasis on foundational expertise and also not necessarily in a linear pattern. Only through precision in form, rhythm and rasa could the Divine be invoked.

印度古典舞中的每日紀律，讓我做好準備向Jois家族學習八肢瑜伽。印度古典舞和八肢瑜伽皆是根植於印度的一種修煉形式，因而兩者之間有許多相同的元素：富含印度神話的色彩、並為奉獻的體現形式，用來連結內在和外在世界的意識。學習印度舞需要強大的自我驅策力來堅持每天課外二至四小時的練習，並且，只有當你的老師認為你已經完全掌握了目前所練習的部分之後，才能進階到下一個練習，這正和八肢瑜伽不謀而合。這樣的學習是緩慢而透徹的，日復一日著重於對於根基的徹底掌握，不強求線性的前進，唯有透過精確的形式、節奏和精髓，方能喚醒內在的神性。

You are the only Indian woman to be certified (among 48 certified teachers globally), what this certification means to you?

在全球48位認證老師中，您是唯一一位獲得認證（Certification）的印度女性，這對您來說有什麼意義？

On a physiological level Certification represents a lived understanding of the subtle energies in the Ashtanga yoga system that happens through commitment, respect and concentrated discipline over many years at the source. On a human level the certificate means to me a responsibility to bring the limbs of yoga into all aspects of life - to be a good human being who lives the positive transformation everyday.

Certification is not a course - it is not something you can plan for or measure in hours. You simply dedicate yourself to learning the tradition under the auspices of the teacher without expectations; If Certification is meant to happen along your path it will. And if so, you then keep steady in further studying the tradition. The path of yoga is eternal and one must always continue to seek and to be humbled.

We students are so fortunate that Sharathji and Saraswatiji continue to share with the world the purity of the lineage so we can experience a direct link to the ancient wisdom transmitted through successive generations.

在生理層面，認證代表了對於八肢瑜伽系統裡的精微能量體現於生命中的了解，而這是透過許多年的承諾、尊重，並且回歸源頭，專注於紀律的練習才能發生的。在人文的層面，認證對我來說，意味著我有責任要將瑜伽中的每一肢練習融入生活的各個面向，帶來正向的轉變，成為一個更好的人。

認證並不是一門課程，這不是你可以計畫預期或者通過時間的計量累積來達到的目標，你只需要在老師的協助之下專注學習這套系統，不懷抱任何的期待，若你注定要拿到認證，你就會拿到；而即便拿到了認證，你仍要持之以恆地深入學習傳統，瑜伽之路學無止境，我們必須永遠謙卑地探尋。

作為學生的我們是如此幸運，有Sharathji和Saraswatihi持續與全世界分享純淨正統的八肢瑜伽，讓我們得以經驗這世代相承的古老智慧，並且親身感受與其直接的連結。

You have some of the most “famous” students, such as Sting and his wife Trudie, can you share how is that experiences of teaching celebrities?

您有一些非常「有名的」學生，例如Sting和他的妻子Trudie，您能跟我們分享與這些名人的教學經驗嗎？

Many of the people who I teach and who excel in what they do have a depth and seriousness in their professions that spills into their yoga practice. That silence, dedication, quality of attention that has lead them to success replicates in their practice and in their reverence for the gift of life. Most of the bonds I form with people through yoga become familial grounded in our shared human values based in compassion and a holistic lifestyle.

許多我所教過的、並且在他們的專業領域表現出色的學生，將他們在其專業中所展現的的深度和認真，也帶進他們的瑜伽練習之中。那些引領他們走向成功的人格特質：沈靜、奉獻、專注，同樣呈現在他們的練習以及他們對於「瑜伽」這份生命至禮的虔誠之中。我透過瑜伽與人們建立的關係，大多變得越來越緊密，因為我們有著同樣的人文價值，那是建在慈悲心以及追求身心靈整體的生活形態。

Asana is a tool for us to find inner divine and Self, but sometimes asana can lead to ego and injury, how should we avoid this during our practice?

體位法是讓我們找到內在神性和真我的一樣工具，但有時候體位法也會導致我們膨脹自我或致使受傷，我們應該如何在練習時避免這些情況？

Learning from a true teacher - one who keeps the intent centered on the eight limbs and connects the practice to inner spiritual development - is essential. Everything we are seeking already exists when we are truly present. As a practitioner there is no need to grasp for anything or to push oneself in an asana causing injury. When we practice yoga with devotion and patience developing the tools of the tristhana method the asanas unfold in a non harming unitive way.

I personally find reading the scriptures also helps keep our intention clear. Ancient epics and yoga treatises direct our mind to support the path of the practice. Mythology imaginatively assures us of why we practice, helps us clarify our intent and guides us so we do not become attached to the fruits of our work.

向一位真正的老師來學習，一位專心致志於瑜伽的八肢、並且將練習與內在心靈發展相結合的老師，是非常重要的。當我們真正處於當下時，會發現所有我們追尋的一切皆已然存在，作為一個練習者，沒有必要去強求什麼，甚或為了迫使自己達到某個體位法而導致受傷；當你以奉獻和耐心練習瑜伽，並且建立起結合三大要素的練習方法（Tristhana），體位法便會自然和諧地呈現出來。

我個人認為閱讀經典也有助我們維持清明正確的意圖，古老的史詩和瑜伽專文能引導我們的心念，更堅定練習的道路；神話故事以跳躍想像的方式確立我們練習瑜伽的目的，幫助我們釐清思路並且引領我們，對於表象的成果不過度執著。

＃Tristhana: Asana, Breathing, and Dristhi (體位法，呼吸，以及凝視點）

～待續～

預告：下一部份是「八肢瑜伽與女性」，Sharmila老師將談到女性練習者最關心的話題，如生理期是否該練習？練習八肢瑜伽會導致生理期不正常嗎？練習八肢瑜伽會不會影響受孕？有興趣的同學請持續關注粉絲頁喔！

原文載於：http://mp.weixin.qq.com/s…

圖片來源：http://www.sharmiladesai.com

Question 3

being grounded中文初夏的東港之櫻 在Facebook 的評價

Accepted Answer

那個南方叫屏東 屏東的黑鮪魚好ㄘ(〃∀〃)【2016，這就是台灣人想要的總統！】 「妳回北京以後，告訴他們，」蔡英文說：「台灣的下一任總統曾經為妳服務過。」 （“Go back to Beijing,” says Tsai, “and tell them you were served by the next President of Taiwan.”） 上面那段話，是這幾天來，最讓我感佩與震撼的一段話。那是蔡英文主席接受《TIME》雜誌專訪長文的結語，鏗鏘有力，也讓人無比動容... 2016，我希望我能有幸擁有這樣的總統，一股溫柔的力量，卻又充滿自信與霸氣，不慍不火、不卑不亢，而這正是台灣這個即將新生的島國，用來在世界永續立足，最需要的態度。 朋友們告訴我，昨天附上的《TIME》雜誌英漢對照翻譯文章，已經被下架了。對此，我真的感到非常遺憾。（更新消息：PTT貼文者並非原譯，因恐引起誤會而刪文。原譯文出自獨立記者Jessie Chen臉書，特此致謝。） 對於那篇連夜趕出的翻譯稿，也許不同立場的朋友，會有不同想法與批評。但對於譯者的熱心與用心，我只有發自內心的感激和敬佩。因此，我在網路上找到備份文章，再一次（無修改）分享給我的朋友們，需要的，就幫忙再傳播出去吧！ 德不孤必有鄰，一位擅長漫畫的朋友，也默默傳了她關於那段「溫柔力量」談話的圖像詮釋。淡淡的畫風，彷彿原景重現，對我而言，那份感動，似乎又更深了一些... 有人以文字速譯向小英致敬、有人以圖像速寫向小英致敬── 而我，只能藉此臉書一角，向翻譯者、漫畫家，跟小英總統本人，獻上最誠心的祝福與感謝！ 謝謝你們，讓台灣變成一個更好更美的地方。 　 ──────────底下為英漢對照翻譯原文────────── 民進黨主席暨總統參選人蔡英文登上最新一期時代雜誌封面，標題是「她將可能領導華人世界唯一民主國家， She Could Lead The Only Chinese Democracy」。蔡主席是繼印度總理莫迪、印尼總統佐科威、韓國總統朴槿惠後，最新一位登上時代雜誌封面的亞洲領導人。 中英譯全文： 雜誌封面 She Could Lead the Only Chinese Democracy And that makes Beijing nervous 她將可能領導華人世界唯一的民主國家 這讓北京感到緊張 目錄頁 Cover Story: Championing Taiwan Presidential front runner Tsai Ing-wen wants to put the island’s interests first 封面故事：壯大台灣 總統大選領先者蔡英文要將台灣利益置於優先 內頁大標 ‘The Next President Of Taiwan’ That’s how Tsai Ing-wen refers to herself. But will the island’s voters agree? 台灣的下一任總統 蔡英文是這樣認為。但是這座島嶼的選民會同意嗎？ 內文 Emily Rauhala / 台北報導 Adam Ferguson / 攝影 Tsai Ing-wen is making breakfast. The presidential candidate cracks five eggs and lets them bubble with bacon in the pan. She stacks slices of thick, white toast. It’s a recipe adapted from British chef Jamie Oliver, but the ingredients, she can’t help but say, are pure Taiwan. The meat comes courtesy of Happy Pig, a farm near her spare but tasteful Taipei apartment, the bread from a neighborhood bakery. She offers me an orange. “Organic,” she says, in English. “And local, of course.” 蔡英文正在做早餐。這位總統候選人打了五個蛋，和著平底鍋裡面的培根一起吱吱作響，再把一片片白色的厚片土司疊起來。料理手法學自英國名廚傑米奧利佛（Jamie Oliver），但是她忍不住要說，烹調食材屬於最純粹的台灣原料。培根來自「快樂豬」農場，距離她那簡單卻有品味的公寓不遠，而麵包是從她家附近的烘培坊買來的。她遞了一顆橘子給我，用英文跟我說：「有機的！當然也是在地的。」 This is not an average breakfast for the 58-year-old lawyer turned politician running to become Taiwan’s next President—most days she grabs a coffee and books it to the car. But it is, in many ways, oh so Tsai. The Taipei-raised, U.S.- and U.K.-educated former negotiator wrote her doctoral thesis on international trade law. As a minister, party chair and presidential candidate (she narrowly lost to two-term incumbent Ma Ying-jeou in the 2012 race), Tsai gained a reputation for being wonky—the type who likes to debate protectionism over early-morning sips of black coffee or oolong tea. 對於這位58歲、從律師轉變成政治人物的總統候選人來說，這可不是她平常吃的早餐。她通常隨手抓一杯咖啡在車上喝。不過許多方面來說，這應該可以算是一貫的「蔡式」風格。這位在臺北長大、在英美留學過的談判專家，博士論文寫的是國際貿易法。在她當陸委 會主委、民進黨主席、總統候選人期間（她在2012年的總統大選中以些微差距輸給了馬英九總統），得到學院派的風評──她是那種喜歡在早上喝黑咖啡或烏龍茶時，跟你辯論保護主義的人。 Now, as the early front runner in Taiwan’s January 2016 presidential election, her vision for the island is proudly, defiantly, Taiwan-centric. Tsai says she would maintain the political status quo across the strait with China—essentially, both Taipei and Beijing agreeing to disagree as to which represents the one, true China, leaving the question of the island’s fate to the future. But Tsai wants to put Taiwan’s economy, development and culture first. While Ma and his government have pushed for new trade and tourism pacts with Beijing—China accounts for some 40% of Taiwan’s exports—Tsai aims to lessen the island’s dependence on the mainland by building global ties and championing local brands. “Taiwan needs a new model, ” she tells TIME. 現在，身為在2016年台灣總統大選中的領先者，蔡英文的願景充滿自信又堅定地強調以台灣為核心。蔡英文說她會維持兩岸的現狀──這指的是說臺北與北京彼此同意對於何者代表中國保留不同的認知（註明：這是時代雜誌記者的見解），並且把這個島嶼的命運留給未來決定。但，蔡英文想要將台灣的經濟、發展與文化置於首位。當馬英九和他的政府推動與中國的貿易及觀光協議時（中國占台灣出口的百分之四十），蔡英文希望加強與世界連結、扶植台灣品牌，以降低台灣對中國的依賴。她對時代雜誌說：「台灣需要一個新模式」。 Whether voters share her vision is a question that matters beyond Taipei. Taiwan is tiny, with a population of only 23 million, but its economy—powered by electronics, agriculture and tourism—ranks about mid-20s in the world by GDP size, with a GDP per capita about thrice that of China’s. Ceded by China’s Qing dynasty to Japan after the 1894–95 First Sino-Japanese War, colonized by Tokyo for half a century, then seized by Nationalist forces fleeing the Communists at the end of the Chinese civil war, Taiwan has long been a pawn in a regional great game. It is a linchpin for the U.S. in East Asia alongside Japan, South Korea and the Philippines, and, most important, it’s the only real democracy in the Chinese-speaking world. “This election matters because it’s a window into democracy rooted in Chinese tradition,” says Lung Ying-tai, an author and social commentator who recently stepped down as Culture Minister. “Because of Taiwan, the world is able to envision a different China.” 台灣的選民是否同意她的願景，是一件擴及台北以外的事情。台灣的土地雖小，只有兩千三百萬的人口，但是經濟因電子業，農業以及觀光業的支，以國內生產毛額來說在世界排名第二十幾名。台灣的國內人均產值則是中國的三倍。台灣在1894-95的中日戰爭被中國清朝割讓後，被日本殖民了半個世紀；之後在中國內戰結束時逃避共產黨的國民黨勢力給佔領。長期以來台灣是區域競爭中的一個棋子。在美國的東亞布局中，台灣、日本、南韓及菲律賓同為最關鍵的環節。更重要的是，台灣是在華語世界中唯一一個真正的民主國家。甫卸任文化部長的作者與社會評論員龍應台表示：「這場選舉很重要，因為它提供了一個窗口，讓外界一探以中華文化為根基的民主……因為台灣，世界得以想像一個不一樣的中國。」 Taiwan’s politics irritate and befuddle Beijing. To the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP), Taiwan is the province that got away, a living, breathing, voting reminder of what could happen to China if the CCP loosens its grip on its periphery, from Tibet to Xinjiang to Hong Kong. Beijing is particularly wary of a change in government from Ma’s relatively China-friendly Kuomintang (KMT) to Tsai’s firmly China-skeptic Democratic Progressive Party (DPP). When Tsai ran for President in 2012, Beijing blasted her, without actually naming her, as a “troublemaker” and “splittist”—CCP-speak reserved for Dalai Lama–level foes. “A DPP government means uncertainty for cross-strait ties,” says Lin Gang, a Taiwan specialist at Shanghai Jiao Tong University’s School of International and Public Affairs. 台灣的政治讓北京感到惱怒又百思不解。對中國共產黨來說，台灣是一個逃走的省，也是對中國活生生的提醒──若中國鬆懈對於香港、西藏及新疆等非核心地區的掌控時，可能會發生的事。北京對於台灣的政權，由對中國相對友善的馬政府輪替到對中國保持疑慮的民進黨，抱持格外戒慎的態度。蔡英文在2012年參選總統的時候，北京雖然沒有指名道姓，卻明顯對她大肆抨擊，說她是一個「麻煩製造者」或「分裂主義者」——在共產黨的術語中，這些話專門達賴喇嘛這一層級的仇敵。任教於上海交通大學國際與公共關係學院的台灣事務專家林岡說：「民進黨政府代表的是兩岸關係的不確定性。」 To the U.S., which is bound by the Taiwan Relations Act to come to the island’ s aid if it’s attacked, Taiwan is a longtime friend and unofficial ally, though the strength of that friendship is being tested by China’s rise. Washington worries that Taiwan’s people, especially its youth, are growing warier of China, and that any conflict between the two might draw in the U.S. “What this election has done is crystallize the changes, the shift in public opinion,” says Shelley Rigger, a Taiwan scholar at Davidson College in North Carolina and the author of Why Taiwan Matters. “I don’t think cross-strait relations are going to be easy going forward, and that’s not something U.S. policymakers want to hear.” 對美國來說，根據《台灣關係法》，在台灣受到武力攻擊的情況下，須協防台灣。台灣是美國長期友邦和非正式盟國，儘管兩國之間友誼的強度正受到中國崛起的考驗。華府擔心台灣人民，特別是年輕人，對於中國的警戒心逐漸提高，而兩者之間的衝突可能會把美國牽扯進來。著有《台灣為何重要》（Why Taiwan Matters）一書的美國北卡羅來那州戴維森大學（Davidson College）教授任雪麗（Shelley Rigger）說：「這場選舉讓所有的改變具體化，反映出民意板塊的移動……我不認為接下來的兩岸關係會更融洽，而這不是美國的政策制定者想要聽到的東西。」 The KMT has yet to formally nominate a candidate for the top job, but the favorite is Hung Hsiu-chu, the legislature’s female deputy speaker. Nicknamed ”little hot pepper” because of her diminutive stature and feisty manner, Hung, 67, would be a contrast to the more professorial Tsai should she get the KMT’s nod. “I don’t think [Tsai] is a strong opponent,” Hung tells TIME. Yet the DPP’s choice, who has already started pressing the flesh islandwide, is spirited too. “People have this vision of me as a conservative person, but I’m actually quite adventurous,” she says. And possessed of a sharp sense of humor—when I compliment her cooking, Tsai looks at me with mock exasperation: “I have a Ph.D., you know.” 國民黨雖然還未正式提名總統候選人，但目前最被看好的就是立法院副院長洪秀柱。因為身材嬌小與好戰性格而被封為「小辣椒」的洪秀柱（67歲），如果獲黨的提名，將與擁有學者形象的蔡英文，呈現顯著的對比。洪秀柱向時代記者表示：「我不認為蔡英文是一位強的對手」。然而，民進黨的候選人已經士氣高昂，在全台各地展開競選活動。蔡英文說：「有些人認為我是一個保守的人，但我其實是很愛冒險的」。她有一種犀利的幽默感──當我讚美她的廚藝時，她用搞笑的語氣假裝惱怒說：「我可是擁有博士學位的。」 Tsai grew up in a home on Taipei’s Zhongshan Road North, a street named after Taiwan’s symbolic father, Sun Yat-sen, the Chinese revolutionary who helped overthrow the Qing and co-founded the KMT. Her own father, an auto mechanic turned property developer, was of the Confucian kind: he encouraged her to study hard but also expected her, as the youngest daughter, to devote herself to his care. “I was not considered a kid that would be successful in my career,” says Tsai. 蔡英文在台北的中山北路長大，這條街是以革命推翻清朝、成立國民黨並視為國父的孫逸仙命名。她的父親是一位修車技師，後來成為土地開發商。他承襲了儒家思想，希望蔡英文要用功讀書，但也期許身為小女兒的蔡英文可以留在父親身邊照顧他。蔡英文說：「我小時候不是一個被認為未來會有成就的孩子。」 After attending university in Taiwan, she studied law at Cornell in New York because, she says, it seemed the place for a young woman who “wanted to have a revolutionary life.” From there she went to the London School of Economics, where she earned her Ph.D., also in law, in less than three years. “That pleased my father,” she says. When he called her home, she obliged, returning to Taiwan to teach and, in 1994, to enter government in a series of high- profile but mostly policy-oriented roles in the Fair Trade Commission, National Security Council and Mainland Affairs Council. 在台灣大學畢業後，她前往紐約州康乃爾大學研讀法律，因為她說，這是一個「想過革命性的生活」的年輕女子該去的地方。之後，她前往倫敦政治經濟學院攻讀法學博士，並且三年不到就獲得學位。她說：「這讓我父親很高興」。她遵從父親的意思返回台灣，先回大學教書並在1994年進入政府，出任公平交易委員會、國安會及陸委會等一系列重要的、政策導向的職位。 Even close supporters say Tsai was, and perhaps still is, an unlikely politician, especially for the DPP. Taiwan’s opposition party was forged in struggle and led by veterans of the democracy movement—a fight Tsai mostly missed. The Kaohsiung Incident in 1979—a human-rights rally that was violently broken up by security forces, galvanizing the democracy movement— took place while Tsai was overseas, cocooned in the ivory tower. If the archetypal DPP operative is a bare-knuckle street fighter, Tsai is an Olympic fencer—restrained and precise. 就連許多親近蔡英文的支持者都認為，蔡英文是一位非典型的政治人物，特別就民進黨而言。身為在野黨的民進黨，在台灣民主運動的奮鬥過程中焠煉而成，由民主運動的老兵所成立，這是一場蔡英文錯過的戰役。1979年高雄的美麗島事件，當一場人權遊行遭警政單位暴力驅散，而後來激勵了台灣的民主運動，蔡英文當時正在國外求學，受到象牙塔的庇護。若說民進黨的典型人物是赤手空拳的街頭鬥士，蔡英文則是一位奧林匹克級的劍術家：自我克制又精確到位。 She stepped into the spotlight in 2008, becoming party chair when the DPP found itself booted from office, with its chief Chen Shui-bian, the outgoing President, later convicted of corruption. While she possessed a deep knowledge of policy, Tsai did not then seem like a leader. “She used to sort of hide behind me when we went door to door,” recalls legislator Hsiao Bi-khim, a longtime colleague and friend. “People compared her to a lost bunny in the forest, with wolves surrounding, both from within the party and outside. 在2008年民進黨失去政權，而前總統陳水扁隨即遭貪汙罪起訴的時刻，蔡英文踏入了鎂光燈下，成為民進黨主席。雖然蔡英文對於政策擁有深度的瞭解，但當時她還不像一位領導人。長期以來是她同事與朋友的立法委員蕭美琴說「以前當我們挨家挨戶去拜訪時，她有點會躲在我身後」。「有些形容她為一個在森林裡迷路的兔子，被黨內與黨外的狼群包圍。」 After an unsuccessful 2010 mayoral bid, Tsai ran for, and also lost, the presidency in 2012. Jason Liu, a veteran DPP speechwriter, says now that the campaign did not “sell” Tsai well enough. The ideas were strong, but the delivery left “distance between her and the voters.” Ironically, it was not until her concession speech that Tsai seemed to connect emotionally with Taiwan’s citizens. “You may cry,” she told the tearful crowd. “But don’t lose heart.” 2010年，蔡英文參與市長選舉失利，在2012年也沒順利當選總統。民進黨資深文膽劉建忻表示，當時的競選總部對於「行銷」蔡英文這個概念，做得不夠好；雖然擁有許多好點子，但是執行上還是「讓選民感到有所距離」。諷刺地，一直到敗選感言，蔡英文才似乎與台灣人民產生情感上的連結。她對含著淚水的群眾表示：「你可以哭泣，但不能洩氣。」 A lot has changed since 2012. Eleven hours after making eggs, with a policy meeting, a cross-country train ride and a harbor tour behind her, Tsai is addressing a couple hundred students at a university in the southern city of Kaohsiung, a DPP stronghold. She’s in lecture mode, at ease, talking about her party’s economic plans: stronger regional links and a focus on innovation to support small businesses. “How many of you went to Taipei for the Sunflower protests?” she asks in Mandarin. At least a third raise their hands. 2012年之後的台灣，歷經了許多改變。蔡英文煎蛋後的11個小時後，歷經了一場政策會議、搭乘高鐵從北一路向南、緊接著進行高雄碼頭導覽。她抵達南台灣民進黨的重鎮高雄，向數百位大學生發表演說。她以一派輕鬆的授課模式，闡述著民進黨的經濟計畫：加強區域間的連結，並聚焦於支持創新的小型經濟。她用中文詢問在場學生「你們之中有多少人去台北參加過太陽花學運？」現場至少有三分之一的學生舉起了手。 Taiwan’s students were once seen as apathetic. But during spring last year, Taipei was swept up by thousands-strong demonstrations over a services pact with China. Student and civic groups worried that the deal could hurt Taiwan’s economy and leave it vulnerable to pressure from Beijing. They felt it was pushed through without adequate public scrutiny. The Sunflower Movement, as it came to be called after a florist donated bundles of the blooms, grew into a grassroots revolt, culminating in the March 18 storming of the legislature. 台灣的學生過去一度被視為相當冷漠。但是在去年的春天，台北市被數以千計的抗議者淹沒，反對與中國簽訂的服務貿易協議。學生與公民團體擔憂這個協議會傷害台灣經濟，讓台灣的經濟受制於中國壓力而變得脆弱。他們也認為，服貿協議的推動並沒有經過適當的公民審議。太陽花運動是民間累積的抗爭與不滿，在3月18日這天一舉衝進立法院，運動的稱號是由於抗爭期間一位花販捐贈了大量太陽花而因此命名。 The movement was grounded in questions of social justice. Since coming to power in 2008, Ma has argued that cross-strait commerce is the key to the island’s fortunes, signing 21 trade deals. Yet young people in particular wonder if the deals benefit only Big Business on both sides of the strait. They say rapprochement with Beijing has left them none the richer, and agonize over the high cost of housing, flat wages and the possibility of local jobs going to China. A sign during a protest outside the Presidential Palace on March 30 last year captured the mood: “We don’t have another Taiwan to sell.” 這個運動的主要訴求就是社會正義。自從國民黨2008年執政以來，簽訂了21個兩岸貿易協定，馬英九主張兩岸的商業往來是台灣最關鍵的財富來源。但是年輕人質疑這項論述，他們認為這些貿易協議只有兩岸的大財團獲利。他們說北京的和解政策並沒有讓年輕人變得富有，反而讓他們受困於高房價、停滯的薪資、以及在地工作機會可能流失到中國的可能性。在去年3月30日於總統府外的抗議中，有個標語最能捕捉整體的社會氛圍：「台灣只有一個，賣了就沒了！」 The emphasis on quality of life, and not just macro-indicators, is good news for Tsai. Her vision for a more economically independent Taiwan did not sway the electorate in 2012 but may now have stronger appeal. The KMT, bruised by the Sunflower protests and then battered by fed-up voters in midterm polls last fall, is trying to remake itself as a more populist party. Timothy Yang, a former Foreign Minister who is now vice president of the National Policy Foundation, the KMT’s think tank, says the party stands by its cross-strait record. But even Yang, a KMT stalwart, is keen to address the issue of equity: “The benefits of this interaction with mainland China should be shared with the general public.” 台灣社會對於生活品質的重視，而非僅僅強調宏觀經濟指標，對蔡英文來說是件好事。她希望打造一個經濟上更加獨立的台灣，雖然這個理念在2012年並沒有說動選民，但，現在可能更有吸引力。國民黨在太陽花運動中受到重創，在去年秋天的期中選舉中又再度被選民以選票教訓。現在，國民黨試圖把自己再造成一個民粹的政黨。目前擔任國民黨智庫『國家政策基金會』副董事長的前外交部長楊進添先生受訪時說道，「國民黨堅持其兩岸的立場」。但即便像楊進添這樣堅定的國民黨員，也熱衷於解決公平的議題。他說：「兩岸互動的利益，應該要與全民共享！」 Tsai should easily carry traditional DPP support: much of the south, the youth vote, and those who identify as Taiwanese and who are not a part of the elite that came from China after the CCP victory in 1949. The DPP’s missing link is Big Business, which supports the KMT and closer ties with the mainland, where many Taiwan companies are invested. Tsai recognizes that this is a constituency she needs to woo but doesn’t seem clear as to how, beyond saying, “Our challenge is to produce something that is sensible to both sides without being considered as a traitor to the friends we used to be with when we were an opposition party.” 蔡英文要得到傳統民進黨的支持並不難，例如南部選民、年輕選票、還有那些認同自己是台灣人，而不是1949年中國共產黨勝利後來自中國的精英份子。然而，民進黨缺乏與大企業的連結，因為台灣企業大量投資大陸，而其中這些大財團多半支持國民黨，以及與大陸建立更緊密的關係。蔡英文也理解到這是她必須要去吸引的一群選民，但是對於如何進行並沒有太清楚的圖像。她說：「我們的挑戰是要去創造雙方都認為合理的立場，又不能被我們在野時的朋友認為是叛徒。」 That will be hard. The KMT has long argued that it, not the DPP, is best qualified to run the economy, which, corruption apart, did not do well under Chen. Tsai’s supporters concede that many citizens feel the same way—that the DPP can be an effective opposition but not administration. “The KMT has always portrayed itself as more suited to guide the economy,” says J. Michael Cole, a Taipei-based senior fellow with the University of Nottingham’s China Policy Institute and a senior officer at Tsai’s Thinking Taiwan Foundation. “There’s this stubborn perception that a DPP government would be bad for business.” 這是困難的挑戰。國民黨長期主張自己比民進黨更擅長治理經濟，尤其陳水扁執政時期除了貪污，經濟表現並不好。蔡英文的支持者也同意，確實有些民眾認為民進黨可是一個稱職的反對黨，但不是執政黨。諾丁漢大學中國政策研究中心資深研究員暨小英基金會資深主管寇謐將（J. Michael Cole）說：「國民黨把自己描繪是一個更適合主導經濟的政黨。另外也有一種僵化的刻版印象，認為民進黨執政對企業不利。」 It’s a narrative that the CCP backs and may well float as the campaign progresses, either directly, in China’s state-controlled press, or indirectly, through, for instance, its connections in Taiwan’s business community. “Beijing is going to want to make a point through all sorts of channels, including Big Business, that cross-strait relations will not be as smooth if you vote a government into power that has not accepted the foundation that has underpinned developments of the last eight years,” says Alan Romberg, a distinguished fellow at the Stimson Center, a Washington, D.C., think tank. 這種論調受到中國共產黨的支持，並且今隨著選戰的進展不斷被拋出。共產黨可能直接地利用中國控制的媒體影響選舉，或是間接地透過中國與台灣商業界的連結。美國華府智庫史汀森研究中心（Stimson Center）資深學者容安瀾（Alan Romberg）說：「北京將會透過大企業等各種管道來闡述其立場，表明要是台灣人民讓一個不接受過去八年兩岸發展基 礎的政府執政，兩岸關係的發展將不會如現在一樣平順。」 Beijing has never been receptive to a DPP government, but it is particularly negative now. Since coming to power in 2012, China’s leader Xi Jinping has proved himself to be more assertive and nationalistic than most expected, a man not eager to compromise. Last September he told a delegation from the island that China and Taiwan might be one day be reunited under Hong Kong’s “one country, two systems” formula, which is rejected by both the KMT and DPP and, surveys consistently show, the vast majority of Taiwan’s people. This May, Xi warned again about the danger of “separatist forces”—a comment widely interpreted as a swipe at the DPP. 北京對於民進黨政權的接受度向來不高，但現在尤其抱持負面的態度。中國領導人習近平在2012年掌權後，證明自己比外界想像的還更加武斷，帶有更強烈的民族主義色彩，是一個不輕易妥協的人。去年九月，他對一個來自台灣的代表團說，中國和台灣可望採用香港「一國兩制」的模式統一，然而這卻是一個國民黨和民進黨都反對的方案，而且民調也一再顯示，絕大多數的台灣人民無法接受。今年五月，習近平再度警告「分裂主義勢力」會帶來的危險──這段說詞普遍被外界詮釋為對民進黨的抨擊。 Cross-strait relations are managed according to the so-called 1992 Consensus reached by Beijing and Taipei (then also governed by the KMT), a formula the KMT’s Yang calls “a masterpiece of ambiguity.” Under the 1992 Consensus, both sides acknowledge that there is only one China, but without specifying what exactly that means. This, Yang says, has allowed the KMT to move forward on bilateral trade, transport and tourism without being forced to address whether “one China” is the China imagined by Beijing or by Taipei. 兩岸關係是治理目前根據北京和台北（當時為國民黨執政）之間所謂的九二共識，這是一個被國民黨的楊進添形容為「模糊性的一大鉅作」的政策。根據九二共識，雙方承認只有一個中國，但不表明一個中國的確切意含。楊進添說，這讓國民黨在推展雙邊貿易、交通和觀光方面得以取得進展，而不需被迫去回答「一個中國」究竟是北京或是台北心目中的中國。 The DPP has long promoted de jure independence. The first clause in its charter calls for “the establishment of an independent sovereignty known as the Republic of Taiwan,” not the Republic of China, Taiwan’s official name. This platform resonates with the DPP base but is increasingly untenable given China’s economic clout and growing power on the world stage. While the first DPP presidency under Chen was hardly a break from the past, it did see a cooling with Beijing. Things warmed again under Ma. Lin, the Taiwan expert at Shanghai Jiao Tong University, says Tsai is somewhere between Chen and Ma: “If she wins the election, she will not pursue Taiwan in dependence. But she will not promote the development of the cross-strait relationship as Ma Ying-jeou did.” 民進黨過去長期以來推動台灣的法理獨立。民進黨黨綱第一條闡明「建立主權獨立自主的台灣共和國」，而非台灣的正式國號中華民國。這個立場獲得民進黨基本盤的認同，卻在中國的經濟實力成長與中國在世界舞台上崛起之下，越來越無法實現。儘管陳水扁主政時期的民進黨政府跟過去的政策並無太大差別，但跟北京的關係確實趨向冷淡。馬英九主政時期兩岸關係再度暖化。上海交通大學的台灣專家林岡說，蔡英文的立場介於馬英九和陳水扁之間。他說：「如果她勝選，她不會追求台灣獨立。但她也不會像馬英九一樣推動兩岸關係的發展。」 Tsai stresses that she will not alter the politics between Taiwan and China, but she is vague about whether she will repeal the DPP’s independence clause. And unification? That, she says, “is something you have to resolve democratically—it is a decision to be made by the people here.” 蔡英文強調她不會改變台灣和中國之間的政治關係，但對於是否撤回台獨條文卻是依然維持模糊。至於統一呢？她說：「那是必須經由民主程序解決的事情——這是一個必須經由此地的人民來做的決定。」 Hung, Tsai’s potential KMT opponent, says the DPP flag bearer needs to clarify her stance on cross-strait relations. “People ask her, ‘What is the status quo?’ and she can’t say anything specific,” says Hung. The KMT’s Yang offers a metaphor: “Before you harvest, you have to plow the land, transplant the seedlings, fertilize; all the work … has been done by the KMT, and yet they are going to harvest the crop?” 蔡英文的在對手洪秀柱說，民進黨的掌舵手需要清楚地闡明她對兩岸關係的立場。洪秀柱說：「大家問她『維持現狀是什麼意思？』，她卻沒有給具體的回應。」國民黨的楊進添用一個比喻：「在收割之前，要先耕地、播種、施肥；所有的工作……都已經被國民黨完成了，然而他們現在卻想要收割？」 Tsai believes she will win that right. Several days before I return to my Beijing base, over Taiwan-Japanese fusion in Kaohsiung, Tsai is quietly confident that she will gain the trust of Taiwan’s voters and secure victory, whatever Beijing might think. She puts a final piece of tuna on my plate. It’ s from Pingtung County in the south, where she was born. “Go back to Beijing,” says Tsai, “and tell them you were served by the next President of Taiwan.” 蔡英文相信她會贏得這項權利。在我返回北京駐點的前幾天，我們在一家位於高雄的台式日本料理小店用餐，蔡英文對於取得台灣選民的信任並贏得選戰，展現出低調的自信。當時，她把最後一片鮪魚夾到我的盤子上。那塊鮪魚來自南方的屏東，她的出生地。「妳回北京以後，告訴他們，」蔡英文說：「台灣的下一任總統曾經為妳服務過。」 —With reporting by Zoher Abdoolcarim, Gladys Tsai and Natalie Tso/Taipei ───────────────────── 圖片：猜猜看，認出畫風了嗎？^^ （歡迎任何形式分享，一律免問）

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