#新刊出版 New release!!!
Voices of Photography 攝影之聲
Issue 30:美援視覺性──農復會影像專題
U.S. Aid Visuality: The JCRR Issue
本期我們重返影響台灣戰後發展至關重要的美援年代,尋索過往在台灣影像歷史視野中遺落、但卻十分關鍵的美援時期台灣視覺歷程──「農復會」的影像檔案。
成立於1948年、以推行「三七五減租」和「耕者有其田」等土地改革與農業政策聞名的農復會(中國農村復興聯合委員會,JCRR),被認為是奠定二十世紀「台灣經驗」基礎的重要推手。然而很少人留意,這一農經專業的美援機構,在1950至60年代拍攝了大量的照片、幻燈、電影,並生產各種圖像、圖表、圖冊與海報,在冷戰年代與美援宣傳機制緊密連結,深深參與了戰後「台灣(視覺)經驗」的構成,影響著我們的視覺文化發展。
冷戰與美援如何形塑台灣的影像與視覺感知?本期專題透過採集考察眾多第一手的農復會早期攝影檔案、底片、圖像、影片與文獻資料,揭載鮮為人知的美援年代視覺工作,追尋這一段逐漸隱沒的戰後台灣攝影與美援視覺性的重要經歷。
其中,李威儀考掘農復會的歷史線索與視覺文本,探查美援的攝影檔案製程、「農復會攝影組」的成員蹤跡,以及文化冷戰期間從圖像、攝影到電影中的美援視覺路徑;蔡明諺分析1951年由農復會、美國經合分署與美國新聞處共同創辦的《豐年》半月刊,從語言、歌謠與漫畫等多元的視覺表現中,重新閱讀這份戰後最具代表性的台灣農村刊物潛在的意識形態構成與政治角力;楊子樵回看多部早期農教與政策宣傳影片,析論農復會在戰後台灣發展中的言說機制與感官部署,並從陳耀圻參與農復會出資拍攝的紀錄片計畫所採取的影音策略,一探冷戰時期「前衛」紀錄影像的可能形式;黃同弘訪查農復會在1950年代為進行土地與森林調查所展開的航空攝影,解析早期台灣航攝史的源起與美援關聯,揭開多張難得一見的戰後台灣地景航照檔案。
此外,我們也尋訪生於日治時期、曾任農復會與《豐年》攝影師的楊基炘(1923-2005)的攝影檔案,首度開啟他封存逾半世紀、收藏農復會攝影底片與文件的軍用彈藥箱和相紙盒,呈現楊基炘於農復會工作期間的重要文獻,並收錄他拍攝於美援年代、從未公開的攝影遺作與文字,重新探看他稱為「時代膠囊」的視覺檔案,展現楊基炘攝影生涯更為多樣的面向,同時反思「美援攝影」複雜的歷史情愁。
本期專欄中,李立鈞延續科學攝影的探討,從十九世紀末天文攝影的觀測技術,思考可見與不可見在認識論上的交互辨證;謝佩君關注影像的遠端傳輸技術史,檢視當代數位視覺政權中的權力、知識與美學機制。「攝影書製作現場」系列則由以珂羅版印刷著稱的日本「便利堂」印刷職人帶領,分享古典印刷傳承的工藝秘技。
在本期呈現的大量影像檔案中,讀者將會發現關於美援攝影的經歷與台灣歷史中的各種視覺經驗,還有許多故事值得我們深入訪查。感謝讀者這十年來與《攝影之聲》同行,希望下個十年裡,我們繼續一起探索影像的世界。
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● 本期揭載未曾曝光的美援攝影工作底片、檔案與文件!
購書 Order | https://vopbookshop.cashier.ecpay.com.tw/
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In this issue of VOP, we revisit the era of U.S. aid, a period that was of utmost importance to Taiwan’s post-war social and economic development, and explore Taiwan’s much forgotten but crucial visual journey during this era ── the visual archives of the JCRR.
Established in 1948, the Chinese-American Joint Commission on Rural Reconstruction, or the JCRR, is widely known for the implementation of various land reform and agricultural policies, such as the “375 rent reduction” and “Land-to-the-tiller” programs. Hence, the Commission is considered an important cornerstone to laying the foundations of the “Taiwan Experience” in the 20th century. That said, very few are aware that this U.S. aid organization specializing in agricultural economics was also closely associated with the American propaganda mechanism during the Cold War, and had in its possession countless photos, slides and movies, and produced various images, charts, pamphlets and posters. All these contributed to the formation of the post-war “Taiwan (Visual) Experience”, deeply influencing the development of our visual culture.
How exactly did the Cold War and U.S. aid shape Taiwan’s image and visual perception? This issue’s special feature uncovers the little-known visual activities from the U.S. aid era by investigating the collection of JCRR’s first-hand photo files, negatives, images, films and documents, and traces this important journey of post-war Taiwan photography and U.S. aid visuality that has gradually faded from people’s minds.
Among them, Lee Wei-I examines the historical clues and visual texts of the JCRR, and explores the production of the U.S. aid photographic archives, following the traces of the members of the “JCRR Photography Unit” and the trails of U.S. aid visuals during the Cold War from images and photography to films. Tsai Ming-Yen analyzes the diverse visual manifestations, such as languages, ballads and comics, contained in the semimonthly publication Harvest, which was co-founded by the JCRR, the U.S. Economic Cooperation Administration, and the U.S. Information Service in 1951, presenting a new take on the ideological and political struggles that were hidden beneath the pages of this agricultural publication that could also be said to be the most representative publication of the post-war era. Yang Zi-Qiao looks back at the early agricultural education and propaganda films, and analyzes the discourse and sensory deployment utilized by the JCRR in the development of a post-war Taiwan and the possibilities of the “avant garde” documentary films from the Cold War period through the audio-visual strategies gleaned from director Chen Yao-Chi’s documentary project that was funded by the JCRR. At the same time, Houng Tung-Hung checks out the aerial photography taken by the JCRR in the 1950s for land and forest surveys, and uncovers the origins of Taiwan’s aerial photography with U.S. aid, giving readers a rare glimpse at post-War Taiwan’s aerial landscape photographic archives.
In addition, we will explore the photographic archives of Yang Chih-Hsin (1923-2005), a former photographer who was born during the Japanese colonial period and worked for the JCRR and Harvest, unearthing negatives and documents kept away in the ammunition and photo-paper box that had stayed sealed for more than half a century. This feature presents important files of Yang during his time with JCRR, and photographs taken and written texts produced during the U.S. aid era but were never made public. We go through the visual archives enclosed in what he called a “time capsule”, shedding light on the diversity of his photography career, while reflecting on the complex historial sentiments towards “U.S. aid photography” at the same time.
Lee Li-Chun continues the discussion on scientific photography in his column, exploring the interactive dialectics between the seen and the unseen through the observation technology of astrophotography in the late nineteenth century. Hsieh Pei-Chun focuses on the history of the technology behind remote transmission of visuals and examines the power, knowledge and aesthetics that underlies contemporary digital visual regime. Finally, this issue’s “Photobook Making Case Study” is led by the printing experts at Japan’s Benrido, a workshop that is renowned for its mastery of the collotype printing technique.
Through the large collection of photographic archives presented in this issue, readers will see that there remain many stories on the photography process in the U.S. aid era and various types of visual experiences in Taiwan’s history that are waiting to be unearthed. We thank our readers for staying with VOP for the past decade and we look forward to another ten years of exploring the world of images with you.
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Voices of Photography 攝影之聲
vopmagazine.com
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#美援 #農復會 #冷戰 #台灣 #攝影
#USAID #JCRR #ColdWar
#Taiwan #photography
#攝影之聲 #影言社
propaganda films 在 Facebook 的最佳解答
2016年,由BBC評選的「21世紀前100讚電影」名單中,《王牌冤家》(Eternal Sunshine of the Spotless Mind, 2004)排在第六名。相信在許多人的心中,《王牌冤家》肯定也是列在最愛的其中一部。
《王牌冤家》是編劇 Charlie Kaufman 獲得最多票房的電影,肯定也是 Kaufman 唯一能讓大眾看懂的電影(不過可能也得看兩遍)。有趣的是,《王牌冤家》的故事,並非 Kaufman 的個人發想,而是起自導演 Michel Gondry 與他的朋友 Pierre Bismuth 的構想。於是,在 2005 年《王牌冤家》獲得奧斯卡最佳原創劇本獎的時候,是由 Kaufman, Gondry, 和 Bishmuth 一同上台領獎。
#抹去記憶的構想是起於日常的對話
Gondry 是位法國導演,剛開始他的導演主力,並非電影,而是拍攝MV,許多我們喜愛的音樂家單曲,MV都是由他操刀,例如冰島的碧玉(Bjork),化學兄弟(Chemical Brothers)、滾石(Rolling Stones),Radiohead等等,包括導演 Gondry 早期組的樂團 Oui Oui,MV也是自己拍攝。
大約在80s年代,Gondry與Bishmuth是在組 OuiOui 樂團時認識的。在1998年,Bishmuth 跟 Gondry 聊到「把人的記憶刪除」的概念,因為他有個朋友一直抱怨她的男友,Bishmuth 問這位朋友,不然把你男朋友從你記憶刪除,如何啊?朋友回答,好。
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#不小心標到只好認真寫
Gondry 與 Bishmuth 雖然有這念頭,不過他們並未付諸行動,而是找了 Kaufman 把這概念先簡單寫出,不過,他們也沒有想過這會是個可成的點子,結果,竟然在一個劇本概念的競標會上,被出價買走,由 Propaganda Films 標到,之後 Kaufman 就得認命開始動筆寫作。
但是要撰寫一個交錯著記憶與生活的劇本,非常困難,Kaufman 如此善於書寫虛幻與寫實交錯的編劇,也深受苦惱。尤其是記憶還分為為,尚且存在的記憶、已經消除的記憶、以及記憶交錯現實等等。這些大腦內的存在與將消失、大腦內與大腦外、還有主角與消除記憶工作人員之間的互動等等,不僅要活生生地呈現,還要讓觀眾都能看懂,難度著實極高。
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#諾蘭的記憶拼圖激勵Kaufman
雖然 Propagada Films 在1998年就買到這個「消除記憶」的科幻電影故事,但是因為編劇的難度,以及 Kaufman 當時正在撰寫《蘭花賊》的劇本,無心於「記憶消除的科幻浪漫喜劇」,於是就一擱再擱,擱到 2000 年時,看到諾蘭的《記憶拼圖》(Memento)上映,才意識到以「記憶」為主題的電影,非寫出不可。雖然極度焦慮,Kaufman 還是被Propaganda Films 的老闆兼製作人 Steve Golin 硬是逼出劇本來。
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#就算消除記憶也會一見鍾情
雖然「消除記憶」的科幻故事,原本的規劃是個驚悚心理故事,但是後來在 Kaufman 的堅持下,轉變為著重在「人際關係」與「記憶消除」的因果與互動。
其中最主要的概念就是,原本會愛上的那個人,就算腦中毫無此人的點滴,無論何時見到,都會一見鍾情。至於不會愛上的那些人,如何照著愛情的劇本演,也始終無法讓人愛上。
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#躲不掉的命運
這也是為何 Clementine(Kate Winslet飾演)無論是第一次與 Joel 見面,或消除記憶之後的再一次與 Joel(Jim Carrey飾演)遇見,都會一見鍾情。同時也是為何無論偷內褲小子 Patrick(Elijah Wood)照著 Joel 的現成劇本演出,Clementine 都無法愛上 Patrick。
同理,也是為何 Mary(Kirsten Dunst飾演)即使已經被刪除記憶,還是會再次愛上醫生,就算 Mary 明明正在與 Stain(Mark Ruffalo飾演)曖昧,醫生一出現,Mary 又會再度陷入對醫生的迷戀。
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#無暇的大腦SpotlessMind
《王牌冤家》的電影名稱是取自 Alexander Pope 的詩句,Eternal Sunshine of the Spotless Mind,這是 Kaufman 的巧思。先由 Spotless 說起。
Spotless 是無瑕,因為完全沒有 spot(斑點),於是,Spotless mind 就是「無暇的大腦」(暫時不用把 mind 想得太複雜,想到心神之類的層次)。
當情侶因為分手而極度心痛不已時,想到的療傷方法,就是把腦中關於對方的記憶完全刪除,希望再也不想他/她,讓他/她不再影響自己的心情與生活,於是,所謂的 spotless mind 就是「當記憶被刪除之後,整顆腦子已經呈現『他』的無瑕狀態——沒有關於他/她的記憶,也毫無他/她的存在」。
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#就算刪除記憶也沒用
但是,就算記憶消除,也於事無補,因為關於這個人的記憶,即使被完全消除,消滅得精光,也沒有任何幫助。只要這兩個人再次相遇,還是會再次相愛,無論是 Joel 和 Clementine,或是 Mary 和消除記憶的外遇醫生。
再次相遇,再次相愛,無論記憶消除得多透徹,將對方從大腦割除得多乾淨,與對方互動的引力,永遠存在。
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#永恆的陽光EternalSunshine
在《王牌冤家》,真愛是那種雙方始終都是彼此內心的永恆陽光(eternal sunshine),永遠燦爛閃耀,永不消逝。「就算記憶中沒有你,就算你彷彿不存在,你仍舊是我會愛上的那個人。」
世俗地解釋 Eternal Sunshine of the Spotless Mind,意思就是:你是我心中永恆的璀璨陽光。不只是心中永恆的陽光(eternal sunshine),而且是那種「只要一見到你,我就知道,即使素未謀面(spotless mind)」。
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#Clementine的髮色
Clementine的髮色在 Joel 看來,多半是做作。不過在編劇的角度,卻是設計,例如最剛開始的 Blue Ruin,是他們一見面時,Clemintine 的顏色,而當天晚上,Climentine 邀請 Joel 到她家坐坐時,調酒的名稱也是Blue Ruin。
又例如 Pink Eraser 彷彿是在預示故事的未來,乘載兩人愛情的記憶(粉紅色),即將通通被刪除。其他的誇張的髮色還有 Red Menace、Yellow Fever、和 Green Revolution。
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#Beck不是原唱
《王牌冤家》的主題曲,Everybody Got to Learn Sometime,原唱並非Beck,而是在1980年由 The Korgis 合唱團所發行的B面音樂。
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#每天陪你宅在家看一部好電影Day29
#2021年6月13日
#王牌冤家2004
#Eternal_Sunshine_of_the_Spotless_Mind
#一見鍾情
propaganda films 在 陳冠廷 Kuan-Ting Chen Facebook 的最佳貼文
I have recently perused Nicholas Kristof’s NYT piece “China’s Man in Washington, Named Trump”(https://nyti.ms/3h2JXh8). One paragraph in particular caught my attention: “A joke in China suggests that Trump’s Chinese name is Chuan Jianguo, or “Build-the-Country Trump.” That’s because Build-the-Country is a common revolutionary name among Communist patriots, and it’s mockingly suggested that Trump’s misrule of the United States is actually bolstering Xi’s regime.”
Kristoff also avows that since Trump’s ascension to presidency, the American nation became highly polarized. This is reflected in the current administration’s policies on climate change, foreign relations with established U.S. allies, and COVID-19 prevention, all of which are rather ineffective. It also seems like Mr. Trump and his team diverged from the traditional priorities, including promoting free trade, human rights, and other quintessentially American values. As described thoroughly by John Bolton, all these factors contributed to the declining standing of the U.S. in global politics.
What is more, many people fall prey to CCP’s propaganda and its interpretations of Trump’s actions, which only enhances China’s reputation.
But that might not exactly be the case.
The CCP apparently failed to utilize the window of opportunity created by the ineptness of the Trump administration, as China could have grown to the position of a leader by filling in the void left by the U.S.
During the 2016 APEC Ministerial Meeting in Lima, Peru, Xi Jinping and his team actively supported the plans to establish the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and a Free Trade Area of the Asia Pacific, or FTAAP. In contrast, the United States withdrew its signature from the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) in early 2017. Coupled with China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the establishment of the Asian Infrastructure and Investment Bank (AIIB), this move bolstered China’s capacity to influence global investments and trade, high-tech mergers and acquisitions, and, overall, expand its geostrategic influence on the entire globe.
At the same time, various propaganda films about great power competition, military industry, and science and technology surged all at once, and gained remarkable following around the world.
All this provided a window of opportunity for the CCP to slowly change its course. Around the same time, the distrust for POTUS among U.S. allies’ reached its apex. According to polls conducted by the Pew Research Center, the distrust for the U.S. president in the U.K. reached 75%, 72% in Japan, 70% in Australia, and stunning 86% in France.
Had the C.C.P,. begun to open up at that time, or at least resumed the governance style of the Hu-Wen administration, it could have reaped the benefits of promoting liberalism where the U.S. failed to deliver. It was the time for Beijing to gradually enhance freedom of speech domestically, pursue sustainable infrastructural projects, gradually reform unfair barriers to trade, transform its S.O.E.s, strengthen protections for private ownership, and vitalize its start-ups and enterprises.
Moreover, were China to cease the genocide in East Turkestan and refrain from cracking down on Hong Kong's semi-autonomy, it would have greatly enhanced its global international image. Additionally, if paired with slow but steady reforms, Beijing’s respect for sovereignty of its peoples would have attracted a large amount of foreign investment, which in turn would have continued to buttress the country’s growth.
It is China prerogative to remain idle.
It might still be possible for Chinese “Dream” to come true.
Yet, a historic window of opportunity is now closed.
Xi assumed the tools of proscribing and stalling, which are completely antithetical to the aforementioned window of opportunity.
Today, China is more authoritarian, less flexible, and fully deprived of horizontal accountability. Its reliance on wolf warrior diplomacy backfired: for example, the Swedish parliament sought to expel the Chinese ambassador to Stockholm. Also, Prague, the capital of Czechia, terminated its sister-city agreement with Shanghai and instead signed a new one with Taipei. Last but not least, we ought not to forget about the recent fiasco in the relations with the United States who ordered the shutdown of China’s consulate in Houston. All of this took its toll on China’s reputation.
Its international standing and inability to replace the U.S. as the major global power are not the only issues China is currently facing.
As it experiences multiple domestic and international shocks, China struggles to combat the COVID-19 pandemic and tame the disastrous floods of Yangtze River. The swarm of locusts of biblical proportions is also crippling Beijing’s institutional capacity and may soon lead to food shortages. In fact, the precarity of food supply further diminishes the level of trust for Chinese authorities.
In 2019, the Pew Research Center conducted a public opinion survey to examine the international views of China. In the U.S., Argentina, the U.K., Canada, Germany, and Ukraine, only about 30% of respondents claim a favorable view of China.
As the COVID-19 pandemic rages in the U.S., as many as 73% of U.S. respondents view China unfavorably.
Recently, the C.C.P. is losing its focus by continuously shifting targets. In fact, I believe there is no need for the C.C.P.to rely on nationalistic appeals, since in this new century values, business relations, and fair competition are all far more important than greater than delusive blood ties.
China lies only 130 kilometers away from us. Of course, we welcome dialogue and seek to avoid misjudgments. But we also distinguish between the C.C.P. and China. While we do welcome dialogue, but we will not be coerced to talk under unjust preconditions or in fear.
The only fair prerequisites are those of reciprocity, mutual respect as well as fairness and openness with respect for the rule of law.
Source: Pew Research Center
最近看到紐約時報中文版的一篇文章
<美國的川普,中國的「川建國」>,其中一小段是這樣的
「在中國,人們戲稱川普的中文名字是川建國。那是因為建國是共產黨愛國者中一個普遍的革命人名。它在諷刺地暗示川普對美國的治理不當實際上是在鞏固習近平的政權。」
裡面也提到,川普在任的幾年,國家更分裂,對於氣候變遷,傳統美國盟友,乃至於疫情處理等都相當拙劣,對於美國傳統的自由貿易、人權等價值也基本上都沒有太大興趣。這些方針,導致美國在世界的評價降低,波頓的新書也多有描述。
除此之外,許多不幸相信中共宣傳,又或者是中共圈養的小粉紅,特別故意愛宣傳川普增強中國的威望。
但這不是真的。
中共完全沒有掌握美國做得不夠好的地方,去增強其在世界的領導力。
在2016年時,秘魯的亞太峰會舉行期間,習近平政權爭取(RCEP)及亞太自由貿易區(FTAAP)談判;對比2017年初,美國剛宣布退出TPP,加上中國到「一帶一路」和亞洲基礎設施投資銀行,中國當時在世界全面發揮投資貿易、高科技併購還有其地緣戰略的影響力。
也是那個時候,各種的大國崛起、大國軍工、大國科技的宣傳影片此起彼落,似乎正準備要在世界舞台發光發熱。
這曾經是中共慢慢轉向的一個機會之窗。彼時(2017)美國盟友對美國總統的不信任度達到歷史新高,根據皮尤研究中心的資訊,英國對於美國總統的不信任度達到75%、日本72% 澳洲70% 法國更高達86%
如果那時中共開始有限度的改革,對內放寬言論自由,或者至少維持在胡溫當時的水中,對外追求有責任的基礎建設,逐步緩慢減低不公平的貿易壁壘,對於國有企業改革,增強私營企業、新創企業的活力。
停止對新疆迫害,不干預香港自治,不僅國際形象會大幅改善,哪怕是緩慢但是穩健的改革,也會讓大量吸引外資,讓中國的活力持續前進。
哪怕是什麼都不做也好
那或許有這麽一點可能性,中國「夢」是可以前行的
但是歷史機緣的大門已經關上。
習、禁、停、放棄了這個機會之窗,徹底的走向相反的方向。
更專制、更沒有彈性,更沒有任何制衡的力量。各種戰狼外交,讓瑞典議員提案驅逐中國大使,捷克布拉格市長與台北簽訂姊妹是,就解散上海與該市關係、被美國關閉領事館、各種讓中國形象低下的事情,中共都沒有少做。
中共不但完全沒有辦法取代美國,在多重國內外的衝擊之下,又是瘟疫,又是超大水患,緊接著蝗害,還有進來的糧食不足問題,正在面臨巨大的瓶頸。
而糧食的命脈,卻恰恰又在對他最不信任,對中共價值最反對的國家聯盟
根據皮尤研究中心:Pew Research Center2019調查各國對中國的喜好度,美國、阿根廷、英國、加拿大、德國、烏克蘭等,對於中國的喜好度都在30%上下
而2020疫情後美國對於中國的不信任度,更高達73%。
最近中共在演習,又要玩轉移目標的手段,對於中共,其實不必再有民族主義的同情,因為新的世紀,價值、商業模式、公平競爭的制度大於血緣幻想。
中國離我們只有130公里的距離,我們當然歡迎對話,避免誤判。但我們同時也區分中共與中國,歡迎對話,但不在前提、條件、恐懼之下對話。
如果真的要有前提,那就是對等、尊重,還有公平公開法治的方式會晤。
資料來源:皮尤研究中心:Pew Research Center
(美國著名的民調機構和智庫機構,https://www.pewresearch.org/)
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