Interview with A Founder: Edwin Wong (Co-founder of Cloudbreakr - 亞洲網紅行銷平台)
By Ching Tseng (AppWorks Associate)
Edwin Wong is the founder & CEO of Cloudbreakr - an AI-powered influencer marketing platform in Asia. He has focused on influencer marketing & social analytics for years, with an aim to empower pioneers and brands to share the stories that influence people. The company has expanded its services from Hong Kong to Taiwan, Malaysia, and Thailand, servicing over 10,000 marketers in over 6 GSEA countries.
1. What is the best advice you would give to first-time founders? What is the most important question that you can ask yourself?
You need to have a strong belief in what you are doing. Before getting good traction, people will keep questioning you why you are doing this. If you don’t have a strong belief in what you are working on, you might give up easily. On top of that, I always ask myself how to be a better founder all the time because founders are the people who have the deepest impact on the company. Your management style and your ability matters. If founders can’t strive to improve themselves, then the company won’t be able to grow as well.
2. What experience made you the founder you are? And what motivates you?
In the early days of Cloudbreakr, I’m the only full time founder, and the team didn’t have a strong engineering ability. With limited work experience, I wasn’t good at arranging tasks which made our development progress sluggish; in the end, two of my co-founders jumped the boat earlier than I expected. At that moment, I realized that I might fail this startup if I kept on managing the company like this, so that’s probably the moment I became the most determined to take this company to an impactful level. Also, I’m not the type of person who gives up easily, I don’t want to let my friends and family down because they have been supporting us this whole time. All of these are what motivate me everyday.
3. What is the biggest mistake and takeaway in your founder journey?
I don’t like to fight with others; I tend to compromise. For example, when negotiating salaries with our employees, I used to accept all the requests just because I didn’t want them to leave or make me unhappy. I didn't take the company’s long term benefit into consideration when making those decisions. Later on I realized this would do long term harm to the company. In order to urge myself to do more long term thinking, I asked my co-founders to give me direct feedback whenever I’m not dealing with things from a more rational perspective.
4. What have you learned in 2020?
It’s a tough year for everyone but also a great moment for the ones with a solid base to shine. How fast you can make the right decisions is a crucial ability in 2020. For example, it’s difficult to predict things and decide whether you should keep the project ongoing or not, and how to react to city lock-down while you still want to have a great momentum of business expansion. I learned to not drown myself in the daily tasks, but to make strategic decisions at the management level, after all, being able to identify the long term goal of the company is what a leader should strive for.
About Cloudbreakr
With the vision to build the largest community for influencers and brands in Asia, Cloudbreakr provides an integrated influencer marketing platform and all-rounded solutions to connect marketers with hundreds of thousands of influencers across Asia.
From influencer discovery, profile analysis, complete campaign management to social monitoring, we empower every retail brand, shopping mall, and marketing agency to optimize the ROI on influencer marketing. The company currently operates in Hong Kong, Taiwan, Malaysia, and Thailand, servicing 100+ Fortune 500 brands.
We welcome all AI, Blockchain, or Southeast Asia founders to join AppWorks Accelerator: https://bit.ly/33cXkq4
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When tracking the virus means tracking your citizens
Apple and Google on Friday unveiled ( ) a rare ( ) partnership to add technology to their smartphone platforms ( ) that will alert users if they have come into contact with a person with COVID-19. Apple’s iOS and Google’s Android — the operating systems used in iPhone and Samsung Galaxy devices, among others — are used by about 3 billion people around the globe.
Since the outbreak of the coronavirus pandemic, some democracies ( ) around the world have used technology to avoid having to impose draconian ( ) mass quarantines ( ) that were common earlier this year in China. That’s reassuring — and it’s also worrying, because the very strategies that can help fight a plague can also be abused once it’s over.
Consider Taiwan, where an “electronic fence” allows local police to make regular phone calls to everyone who is home under quarantine; if the citizen doesn’t answer or the phone is out of power, police come to the home within 15 minutes. In South Korea, the government constantly updates a Web site that tracks the movements of people who have been infected, and issues alerts to the mobile phones of people in the geographic vicinity ( ) of an infected citizen. The Israeli government gained access to an archive ( ) of phone data to map the movements of infected people, then alerted those who had been in contact with them to self-isolate.
Invoking ( ) these powers is reasonable during a pandemic. Once the outbreak is over, however, this kind of power can and probably will be abused. What’s to stop a corrupt ( ) (or merely unscrupulous [ ]) leader from using such technologies to learn or even publicize the location of political opponents or dissidents ( )?
“This is a genuine emergency and that justifies ( ) a lot of things that would not normally be justified,” says Jay Stanley, a senior policy analyst at the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU). “But we have to make sure that these temporary ( ) powers do not become permanent ( ) in a way that hurts everybody else.”
The good news is that the pandemic is not an endless war. Once there is a treatment or a vaccine ( ), there will be a clear end date to the state of emergency.
Stanley says it’s crucial to set up strict rules beforehand ( ). Any location data, for example, should only be used by public health authorities for public health purposes. The programs should be temporary and the data should be deleted after the crisis ( ) ends.
Along these lines, Freedom House released a set of principles on March 24 for protecting civil and human rights in the fight against COVID-19. It says any surveillance ( ) programs that use new technology to fight the spread of the disease should be “subject to ( ) independent oversight ( ), and ‘firewalled’ from other commercial and governmental uses such as law enforcement and enforcement of immigration policies.”
In the middle of a crisis, all of this might seem theoretical. The most essential tasks for democratic leaders are providing for the public’s safety and working to revive ( ) the economy. Yet it’s also important to remember that the state rarely relinquishes ( ) powers it amasses ( ) in a crisis.
After 9/11, the FBI was given broad new powers to demand data from private businesses. A dozen years later, both the ACLU and the Justice Department’s inspector general found that the use of that extraordinary power had become routine ( ) and unchecked. As Americans grapple ( ) with the current pandemic, they must be vigilant ( ) that their government not repeat the same mistake.
當監控病毒與監控人民劃上等號時
蘋果和谷歌兩大公司上週五破天荒宣布一項合作,將在他們的智慧手機平台新增技術,如果用戶接觸了武漢肺炎患者,便會發出警示。蘋果的iOS和Google的安卓(iPhone和三星Galaxy手機等使用的操作系統)在全球約有三十億人使用。
自冠狀病毒大流行爆發以來,世界各地一些民主國家已運用科技,以避免實施像中國今年年初所實施的那種嚴苛的大規模隔離。這令人寬心——卻也令人憂心,因為一旦疫情結束,這些可幫助打擊瘟疫的戰略也可能會被濫用。
以台灣為例,台灣採用「電子圍籬」技術,讓當地的警察可以定時打電話給每位居家隔離者。若電話沒人接或沒電,警察在十五分鐘內就會到他們家去。在南韓,政府有追蹤染疫者動向之網站,會不斷更新,並對染疫民眾附近的人發出手機警示。以色列政府可以調出電話數據檔案,以便將染疫者的活動在地圖上定位出來,然後提醒與其接觸的人進行自我隔離。
在疾病大流行期間訴諸這些權力是合理的。然而,疫情一旦結束,這種權力很可能會被濫用。怎樣阻止腐敗的(或只是不道德的)領導人使用此種技術來得知甚至公開政敵或異議人士的所在位置?
「美國公民自由聯盟」高級政策分析師傑伊‧史丹利說:「這是真正的緊急情況,它使許多通常是不合理的事有了正當性」。「但我們必須確保這些臨時權力不會變成傷害其他人的永久權力」。
好消息是,這場疾病大流行不會是一場無休止的戰爭。一旦有了治療方法或疫苗,緊急狀態就會有明確的結束日期。
史丹利表示,事先訂定嚴格的規範至關重要。例如,任何位址資訊僅應由公共衛生主管機關用於公共衛生目的。此應為臨時程序,這些資訊在危機結束後應予以刪除。
同理,人權組織「自由之家」在三月二十四日發布了一套原則,以便在對抗武漢肺炎期間保障公民權與人權。自由之家表示,任何使用新技術來對抗疾病傳播的監視程序都應「受到獨立監督,且不能作為其他商業及政府之用途,例如執法及移民政策之執行」。
在危機之中,這些似乎都是理論上的。民主國家之領導者最重要的任務是確保公眾安全,並努力振興經濟。但同樣重要的是要記住,國家很少放棄它在危機中所集聚的權力。
九一一恐怖攻擊發生後,美國聯邦調查局獲得了新的、廣泛的權力,可以要求私人企業提供資訊。十幾年後,美國公民自由聯盟和司法部總監察長都發現,這種非常時期權力的使用已成為常態,且沒有受到約束。美國人在與當前的病毒大流行奮力搏鬥之同時,也必須保持警覺,確保政府不會重蹈覆轍。
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陳雲:美國自由派政治及文化雜誌《大西洋雜誌》報導陳雲,說我是特朗普在香港的最忠實支持者,撰寫《特朗普厚黑學》(2017)支持特朗普,主張舉美國旗向美國示好及締結友誼,並且分析特朗普的務實政治及保護世界免收共產主義危害。文章的首三段、中段及結尾壓卷一段都是引述陳雲對特朗普的見解。
//To speak to Wan Chin, the host of a YouTube politics show, is to hear echoes of American conservative radio: An “invasion” of immigrants is crossing the border, filling public housing and sapping up limited government resources, he told me; the coronavirus is a “Frankenstein” superbug weaponized in a Chinese lab; and President Donald Trump’s “Rambo way” of leadership has finally called out China for its hostilities. When Trump was diagnosed with COVID-19, Chin took to Facebook to wish him “a speedy recovery from the mild flu,” parroting the president’s own downplaying of the virus’s severity.
Chin isn’t an American shock jock, though. In fact, he doesn’t even live in the United States. He is, instead, an early and prominent advocate of Hong Kong’s prodemocracy movement: His 2011 book, On the Hong Kong City-State, was a formative text for the localist movement, which seeks to promote and protect Hong Kong’s identity and way of life, separate from that of mainland China. Chin, a former professor, peppered his opinions with historical references to ancient Chinese dynasties and arcane tidbits from folk tales. The walls of his office are lined with Chinese and Buddhist shrines, ornately carved out of dark wood. As he spoke, a woman entered and lit a small bunch of incense, the fragrant smoke twisting upward toward a red “Make Hong Kong Great Again” T-shirt hanging near the door.
Chin is also an unapologetic cheerleader for Trump, whom he calls a “hero,” and he is far from alone. This city lies at the forefront of the global fight for democracy, a place where protesters have for more than a year stood against Beijing’s attack on Hong Kong’s autonomy, free press, and liberal institutions. Yet support for the president—whose own assault on democratic norms, gushing over the Tiananmen Square massacre, on-again, off-again praise of Chinese President Xi Jinping, initial lukewarm support of Hong Kong’s protest movement, and self-admitted slow-rolling of sanctions over Xinjiang’s mass-detention camps in favor of a trade deal—remains stronger in some quarters than for his Democratic rival, Joe Biden.
Following Trump’s election in 2016, Chin published The Trump Strategy, a book that analyzed the president’s dealings with China. Last year, when enormous protests erupted in Hong Kong, Chin urged his supporters to carry Trump flags and wear Trump gear to protests as punitive legislation targeting Hong Kong was making its way through Washington, playing to the president’s oversize ego and hoping to “catch his eye.” Chin told me he was drawn to Trump’s rhetoric on the economic risk China poses to the world, and used Hong Kong as an example of what he saw as state capture accomplished through Chinese state-owned enterprises—snatching up newspapers and swathes of real estate since the city returned to Chinese rule in 1997—as the type of threat Trump was sounding the alarm against...
Chin, the political commentator, said Trump had created irreversible momentum against China, but he nevertheless acknowledged the president’s contradictions. He is “a good leader, but not a democratic leader,” he told me. During his time in office, Trump had been “violating a lot of good practice of democracy,” he added, but, in exchange for taking on China, this was a “necessary evil.”//
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