人民發聲,政府傾聽;社會變革進展雖緩慢,但方向卻很明確。
美國人不必假裝我們總是對我們的政府表示同意或滿意,社會運動是美國人行使言論自由並要求民選官員負責的重要途徑。美國持續不斷的關於喬治·弗洛伊德(George Floyd)逝世以及警察暴力與和種族不公問題的抗議活動,是民權抗議悠久傳統的一部分,可以追溯到1963年在華盛頓特區舉行的大遊行,當年的遊行促使了《民權法案》的通過。近來在美國持續的抗議活動也導致了美國地方、州和聯邦一級政府的改革,以及商業界的變化。例如,美國的一些州禁止警察使用絞刑架,並更改了其「使用武力」的準則。立法者也簽署了一項法案,該法案將廢除紐約民權法第50-a條— 這是一項已有數十年歷史的法律,旨在保護警察免於被究責,並允許警察處分紀錄保密。許多美國城市已將補助從警察部門轉移到了社會服務部門。同盟旗已被禁止在美國軍事設施上使用,並從密西西比州旗上被移除。雖然我們仍有許多努力要做,但很明顯,我們的民選官員正在回應這場抗議運動的要求。
了解更多:https://www.cnn.com/2020/06/13/us/changes-from-protests-george-floyd-trnd/index.html
The people are speaking; the government is listening. The progress is slow, but the direction is clear. Americans don’t have to pretend that we are always in agreement or happy with our government. Social movements are an important way for Americans to exercise their freedom of speech and demand accountability from their elected officials. The ongoing protests in the United States over the death of George Floyd and the issues of police brutality and racial injustice are part of a long tradition of Civil Rights protests, dating back to the March on Washington in 1963. Just as the March on Washington can be directly linked to the passage of the Civil Rights Act, the ongoing protests have also led to reforms at the local, state, and federal level in the United States, as well as changes in the business community. Several states have banned the use of chokeholds by police and have changed their “use of force” guidelines. Lawmakers signed a bill that will repeal the 50-A legislation — a decades-old measure that protected police officers from being held accountable and allowed records of officers to remain secret. Cities across the United States have redirected funding from police departments to social services. The Confederate Flag has been banned on U.S. military installations and is being removed from the Mississippi State Flag. While we still have work to do, it’s clear that our elected official are responding to the demands of this protest movement. Read more here: https://www.cnn.com/2020/06/13/us/changes-from-protests-george-floyd-trnd/index.html
同時也有5部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過26萬的網紅ほぅ(Housan),也在其Youtube影片中提到,米軍が戦場で使う装甲車で街中をパトロールしてみた! 【前回:超高額パトカー vs 戦車!】→https://youtu.be/NrOsgeJyfgI 【次回:橋が崩壊した!?】→https://youtu.be/vpw2VrLc3ew 【芝刈り機パトカー】→https://youtu.be/d3s...
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u.s. military police 在 美國在台協會 AIT Facebook 的精選貼文
美台友誼建立在共享價值的基礎上,包括我們民主的治理制度以及對人權的尊重。昨天,美國國務院發布了《2019年人權報告》,報告指出:「台灣是在多黨政治下民選出總統和國會立委的民主體制,2016年民進黨蔡英文總統獲得勝選,開啟四年任期,這場選舉自由且公正。文職政府有效控制安全部隊,內政部轄下的警政署也維繫了台灣內部的安全。警政署、軍隊及海巡署聽命於總統任命的行政院長。沒有重大違反人權的案例,當局立法禁止人權侵犯,若有侵權的官員則會進行起訴。沒有有罪不罰的案例。」《2019年人權報告》台灣部分全文請參考:https://www.state.gov/reports/2019-country-reports-on-human-rights-practices/taiwan/
The U.S.-Taiwan friendship is based on a foundation of #sharedvalues, including our a democratic system of governance and respect for human rights. Yesterday, the U.S. Department of State released its 2019 Human Rights Report. According to the report, “Taiwan is a democracy governed by a president and parliament selected in multiparty elections. In 2016 voters elected President Tsai Ing-wen of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) to a four-year term in an election considered free and fair. Civilian authorities maintained effective control over the security forces. The National Police Agency (NPA), under the Ministry of Interior (MOI), maintains internal security. The NPA, the military services, and the Coast Guard Administration report to the premier, who is appointed by the president. There were no reports of significant human rights abuses. Authorities enforced laws prohibiting human rights abuses and prosecuted officials who committed them. There were no reports of impunity.” Read more here: https://www.state.gov/reports/2019-country-reports-on-human-rights-practices/taiwan/
u.s. military police 在 護台胖犬 劉仕傑 Facebook 的精選貼文
【 黎安友專文 l 中國如何看待香港危機 】
美國哥倫比亞大學的資深中國通黎安友(Andrew Nathan)教授最近在《外交事務》(Foreign Affairs)雜誌的專文,值得一看。
黎安友是台灣許多中國研究學者的前輩級老師,小英總統去哥大演講時,正是他積極促成。小英在美國的僑宴,黎安友也是座上賓。
這篇文章的標題是:「中國如何看待香港危機:北京自我克制背後的真正原因」。
文章很長,而且用英文寫,需要花點時間閱讀。大家有空可以看看。
Andrew這篇文章的立論基礎,是來自北京核心圈的匿名說法。以他在學術界的地位,我相信他對消息來源已經做了足夠的事實查核或確認。
這篇文章,是在回答一個疑問:中共為何在香港事件如此自制?有人說是怕西方譴責,有人說是怕損害香港的金融地位。
都不是。這篇文章認為,上述兩者都不是中共的真實顧慮。
無論你多痛恨中共,你都必須真實面對你的敵人。
中共是搞經濟階級鬥爭起家的,當年用階級鬥爭打敗國民黨。而現在,中共正用這樣的思維處理香港議題。
文章有一句話:“China’s response has been rooted not in anxiety but in confidence.” 這句話道盡階級鬥爭的精髓。
中共一點都不焦慮。相反地,中共很有自信,香港的菁英階級及既得利益的收編群體,到最後會支持中共。
這個分化的心理基礎,來自經濟上的利益。
文中還提到,鄧小平當年給香港五十年的一國兩制,就是為了「給香港足夠的時間適應中共的政治系統」。
1997年,香港的GDP佔中國的18%。2018年,這個比例降到2.8%。
今日的香港經濟,在中共的評估,是香港需要中國,而不是中國需要香港。
中共正在在意的,是香港的高房價問題。香港的房價,在過去十年內三倍翻漲。
文章是這樣描述:
“Housing prices have tripled over the past decade; today, the median price of a house is more than 20 times the median gross annual household income. The median rent has increased by nearly 25 percent in the past six years. As many as 250,000 people are waiting for public housing. At the same time, income growth for many Hong Kong residents has fallen below the overall increase in cost of living.”
無論你同不同意這些說法,都請你試圖客觀地看看這篇文章。
有趣的是,黎安友在文章中部分論點引述了他的消息來源(但他並沒有加上個人評論),部分是他自己的觀察。
#護台胖犬劉仕傑
Instagram: old_dog_chasing_ball
新書:《 我在外交部工作 》
**
黎安友原文:
https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/china/2019-09-30/how-china-sees-hong-kong-crisis?fbclid=IwAR2PwHns5gWrw0fT0sa5LuO8zgv4PhLmkYfegtBgoOMCD3WJFI3w5NTe0S4
How China Sees the Hong Kong Crisis
The Real Reasons Behind Beijing’s Restraint
By Andrew J. Nathan September 30, 2019
Massive and sometimes violent protests have rocked Hong Kong for over 100 days. Demonstrators have put forward five demands, of which the most radical is a call for free, direct elections of Hong Kong’s chief executive and all members of the territory’s legislature: in other words, a fully democratic system of local rule, one not controlled by Beijing. As this brazen challenge to Chinese sovereignty has played out, Beijing has made a show of amassing paramilitary forces just across the border in Shenzhen. So far, however, China has not deployed force to quell the unrest and top Chinese leaders have refrained from making public threats to do so.
Western observers who remember the violent crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrators in Tiananmen Square 30 years ago have been puzzled by Beijing’s forbearance. Some have attributed Beijing’s restraint to a fear of Western condemnation if China uses force. Others have pointed to Beijing’s concern that a crackdown would damage Hong Kong’s role as a financial center for China.
But according to two Chinese scholars who have connections to regime insiders and who requested anonymity to discuss the thinking of policymakers in Beijing, China’s response has been rooted not in anxiety but in confidence. Beijing is convinced that Hong Kong’s elites and a substantial part of the public do not support the demonstrators and that what truly ails the territory are economic problems rather than political ones—in particular, a combination of stagnant incomes and rising rents. Beijing also believes that, despite the appearance of disorder, its grip on Hong Kong society remains firm. The Chinese Communist Party has long cultivated the territory’s business elites (the so-called tycoons) by offering them favorable economic access to the mainland. The party also maintains a long-standing loyal cadre of underground members in the territory. And China has forged ties with the Hong Kong labor movement and some sections of its criminal underground. Finally, Beijing believes that many ordinary citizens are fearful of change and tired of the disruption caused by the demonstrations.
Beijing therefore thinks that its local allies will stand firm and that the demonstrations will gradually lose public support and eventually die out. As the demonstrations shrink, some frustrated activists will engage in further violence, and that in turn will accelerate the movement’s decline. Meanwhile, Beijing is turning its attention to economic development projects that it believes will address some of the underlying grievances that led many people to take to the streets in the first place.
This view of the situation is held by those at the very top of the regime in Beijing, as evidenced by recent remarks made by Chinese President Xi Jinping, some of which have not been previously reported. In a speech Xi delivered in early September to a new class of rising political stars at the Central Party School in Beijing, he rejected the suggestion of some officials that China should declare a state of emergency in Hong Kong and send in the People’s Liberation Army. “That would be going down a political road of no return,” Xi said. “The central government will exercise the most patience and restraint and allow the [regional government] and the local police force to resolve the crisis.” In separate remarks that Xi made around the same time, he spelled out what he sees as the proper way to proceed: “Economic development is the only golden key to resolving all sorts of problems facing Hong Kong today.”
ONE COUNTRY, TWO SYSTEMS, MANY QUESTIONS
Chinese decision-makers are hardly surprised that Hong Kong is chafing under their rule. Beijing believes it has treated Hong Kong with a light hand and has supported the territory’s economy in many ways, especially by granting it special access to the mainland’s stocks and currency markets, exempting it from the taxes and fees that other Chinese provinces and municipalities pay the central government, and guaranteeing a reliable supply of water, electricity, gas, and food. Even so, Beijing considers disaffection among Hong Kong’s residents a natural outgrowth of the territory’s colonial British past and also a result of the continuing influence of Western values. Indeed, during the 1984 negotiations between China and the United Kingdom over Hong Kong’s future, the Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping suggested following the approach of “one country, two systems” for 50 years precisely to give people in Hong Kong plenty of time to get used to the Chinese political system.
But “one country, two systems” was never intended to result in Hong Kong spinning out of China’s control. Under the Basic Law that China crafted as Hong Kong’s “mini-constitution,” Beijing retained the right to prevent any challenge to what it considered its core security interests. The law empowered Beijing to determine if and when Hong Kongers could directly elect the territory’s leadership, allowed Beijing to veto laws passed by the Hong Kong Legislative Council, and granted China the right to make final interpretations of the Basic Law. And there would be no question about who had a monopoly of force. During the negotiations with the United Kingdom, Deng publicly rebuked a top Chinese defense official—General Geng Biao, who at the time was a patron of a rising young official named Xi Jinping—for suggesting that there might not be any need to put troops in Hong Kong. Deng insisted that a Chinese garrison was necessary to symbolize Chinese sovereignty.
Statements made by U.S. politicians in support of the recent demonstrations only confirm Beijing’s belief that Washington seeks to inflame radical sentiments in Hong Kong.
At first, Hong Kongers seemed to accept their new role as citizens of a rising China. In 1997, in a tracking poll of Hong Kong residents regularly conducted by researchers at the University of Hong Kong, 47 percent of respondents identified themselves as “proud” citizens of China. But things went downhill from there. In 2012, the Hong Kong government tried to introduce “patriotic education” in elementary and middle schools, but the proposed curriculum ran into a storm of local opposition and had to be withdrawn. In 2014, the 79-day Umbrella Movement brought hundreds of thousands of citizens into the streets to protest Beijing’s refusal to allow direct elections for the chief executive. And as authoritarianism has intensified under Xi’s rule, events such as the 2015 kidnapping of five Hong Kong–based publishers to stand trial in the mainland further soured Hong Kong opinion. By this past June, only 27 percent of respondents to the tracking poll described themselves as “proud” to be citizens of China. This year’s demonstrations started as a protest against a proposed law that would have allowed Hong Kongers suspected of criminal wrongdoing to be extradited to the mainland but then developed into a broad-based expression of discontent over the lack of democratic accountability, police brutality, and, most fundamentally, what was perceived as a mainland assault on Hong Kong’s unique identity.
Still, Chinese leaders do not blame themselves for these shifts in public opinion. Rather, they believe that Western powers, especially the United States, have sought to drive a wedge between Hong Kong and the mainland. Statements made by U.S. politicians in support of the recent demonstrations only confirm Beijing’s belief that Washington seeks to inflame radical sentiments in Hong Kong. As Xi explained in his speech in September:
As extreme elements in Hong Kong turn more and more violent, Western forces, especially the United States, have been increasingly open in their involvement. Some extreme anti-China forces in the United States are trying to turn Hong Kong into the battleground for U.S.-Chinese rivalry…. They want to turn Hong Kong's high degree of autonomy into de facto independence, with the ultimate objective to contain China's rise and prevent the revival of the great Chinese nation.
Chinese leaders do not fear that a crackdown on Hong Kong would inspire Western antagonism. Rather, they take such antagonism as a preexisting reality—one that goes a long way toward explaining why the disorder in Hong Kong broke out in the first place. In Beijing’s eyes, Western hostility is rooted in the mere fact of China’s rise, and thus there is no use in tailoring China’s Hong Kong strategy to influence how Western powers would respond.
IT’S NOT ABOUT THE BENJAMINS
The view that Xi has not deployed troops because of Hong Kong’s economic importance to the mainland is also misguided, and relies on an outdated view of the balance of economic power. In 1997, Hong Kong’s GDP was equivalent to 18 percent of the mainland’s. Most of China’s foreign trade was conducted through Hong Kong, providing China with badly needed hard currencies. Chinese companies raised most of their capital on the Hong Kong stock exchange. Today, things are vastly different. In 2018, Hong Kong’s GDP was equal to only 2.7 percent of the mainland’s. Shenzhen alone has overtaken Hong Kong in terms of GDP. Less than 12 percent of China’s exports now flow through Hong Kong. The combined market value of China’s domestic stock exchanges in Shanghai and Shenzhen far surpasses that of the Hong Kong Stock Exchange, and Chinese companies can also list in Frankfurt, London, New York, and elsewhere.
Although Hong Kong remains the largest offshore clearing center for renminbi, that role could easily be filled by London or Singapore, if Chinese leaders so desired.
Investment flowing into and out of China still tends to pass through financial holding vehicles set up in Hong Kong, in order to benefit from the region’s legal protections. But China’s new foreign investment law (which will take effect on January 1, 2020) and other recent policy changes mean that such investment will soon be able to bypass Hong Kong. And although Hong Kong remains the largest offshore clearing center for renminbi, that role could easily be filled by London or Singapore, if Chinese leaders so desired.
Wrecking Hong Kong’s economy by using military force to impose emergency rule would not be a good thing for China. But the negative effect on the mainland’s prosperity would not be strong enough to prevent Beijing from doing whatever it believes is necessary to maintain control over the territory.
CAN’T BUY ME LOVE?
As it waits out the current crisis, Beijing has already started tackling the economic problems that it believes are the source of much of the anger among Hong Kongers. Housing prices have tripled over the past decade; today, the median price of a house is more than 20 times the median gross annual household income. The median rent has increased by nearly 25 percent in the past six years. As many as 250,000 people are waiting for public housing. At the same time, income growth for many Hong Kong residents has fallen below the overall increase in cost of living.
u.s. military police 在 ほぅ(Housan) Youtube 的最讚貼文
米軍が戦場で使う装甲車で街中をパトロールしてみた!
【前回:超高額パトカー vs 戦車!】→https://youtu.be/NrOsgeJyfgI
【次回:橋が崩壊した!?】→https://youtu.be/vpw2VrLc3ew
【芝刈り機パトカー】→https://youtu.be/d3sNgq565mg
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🔴【GTA5】警察官になる【日本警察】
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u.s. military police 在 ヒコボン/ohiko2000 Youtube 的精選貼文
横田基地で撮影したK9-UNITによる犯人制圧訓練です。
K9-UNITの皆さん→http://youtu.be/HWpIr-g5F68
基本服従訓練→http://youtu.be/M4btkK-Ad0E
探知訓練→http://youtu.be/ZyZxCQIMHFI
u.s. military police 在 ヒコボン/ohiko2000 Youtube 的最佳貼文
横田基地で撮影したK9-UNITによる探知訓練です。
K9-UNITの皆さん→http://youtu.be/HWpIr-g5F68
基本服従訓練→http://youtu.be/M4btkK-Ad0E
犯人制圧訓練→http://youtu.be/gIl02m4FjF8
u.s. military police 在 93D Military Police Battalion - 首頁| Facebook 的必吃
93D Military Police Battalion, Fort Bliss 。 2456 個讚· 4 人正在談論這個。 ... U.S. Army Trial Defense Service, Fort Hood Field Office. 武裝部隊. ... <看更多>