關於 student interview questions ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

劉康是我很欣賞的年輕人，若他是在民主社會，他定必成為政壇成功之人，推動社會進步
可惜，香港正被獨裁的中共控制……
祝劉同學在英國生活愉快

新聞稿：劉康抵英尋政治庇護 | Press Release: Hong Kong Democratic Activist Honcques Laus Has Applied for Political Asylum in Great Britain

(Kindly please scroll down for English)

導言：

劉康今日公開透露，出於自己政治立場，面臨香港政府用中國國安惡法政治迫害，故六月尾已去到英國尋求政治庇護。他表示，自己早在讀中學時，已有高舉香港獨立標語向林鄭示威，而上年又曾到英美領事館請求制裁侵犯香港人自由的親中人士，亦在上年出版了主張香港獨立的書《輕論時政》。他提到，他在英國已獲鄭文傑成立的避風驛協助，亦獲英國政府支援。他呼籲，世界各國制裁香港政府同中國政府。

正文：

劉康透露，中國國安惡法實施前，他因知道自己會因政見，而受香港政府政治迫害，所以六月尾已抵達英國倫敦希思路機場申請政治庇護。劉康斥，中國國安惡法嚴重侵犯言論自由同人權。

劉康指，他過往已因政治立場而慘遭政府迫害，例如在2017年11月明報校園記者開學禮，與林鄭月娥合照期間，高舉香港獨立標語示威之後，就慘遭香港政府無理報復拘捕、控告及還押監獄，「反映自己一直被香港政府高度政治針對」。劉康又指，他上年7月公開到英美領事館請求英美制裁侵犯香港人自由的親中人士，他亦在上年8月出版主張香港獨立的政論集《輕論時政》，他認為「香港政府同中國政府會陰險地用中國國安惡法秋後算帳」。

劉康提及，抵達英國後，由鄭文傑成立的避風驛（Haven Assistance），一直協助他處理政治庇護程序，又免費為他安排了律師，亦解答他英國日常生活問題。劉康對鄭文傑及避風驛，表示非常感謝，亦建議流亡英國的香港抗爭者不妨尋找避風驛協助。

劉康亦非常感激，英國政府及國會議員以各種方式支持香港民主抗爭者。劉康表示，英國政府一直禮待他，包括妥善安排住宿，提供每日三餐。

劉康表示，在英國可以呼吸自由空氣，享受言論自由，不用再受到香港政府及中國政府迫害及恐嚇，但他對香港政府及中國政府損害香港人自由，仍然感到非常憤怒，「香港明明屬於香港人，但而家要走嘅人係香港人，而唔係班賣港賊。」

劉康呼籲，世界各國，包括英國、美國、歐盟、臺灣、日本及所有文明國家，制裁香港政府及中國政府，包括對侵犯人權者實行，禁止入境、凍結資產及貿易制裁。他解釋，制裁是為了捍衛香港人言論自由與人權，讓暴政者承受打壓自由的代價。加上，中國國安惡法冒犯了全球每個人，因為祇要勇於批評香港或中國政府垃圾政策，就會違反這個惡法。

他又指，最近香港政府用中國國安惡法迫害主張獨立的人士，明顯是踐踏言論自由、人道災難，而如果自己沒有及時去到英國，「今日香港政府就會拘捕我、迫害我。」

-相片由劉康攝影，可以自由使用。

查詢或訪問：
HoncquesParle@protonmail.com

*

Hong Kong Democratic Activist Honcques Laus Has Applied for Political Asylum in Great Britain

Lead:

Hong Kong democratic activist Honcques Laus (劉康) disclosed today that he had moved to Great Britain in late June for seeking political asylum, because he would face political persecution with China's National Security Law, by reason of his political opinion - he approved of Hong Kong independence (he publicly demonstrated against Carrie Lam with Hong Kong Independence slogan in 2017. And he published his book supporting Hong Kong independence last year), and he also approved of imposing sanctions on human rights violators in Hong Kong. He mentioned that he got support from Simon Cheng and Haven Assistance. He also got support from the UK government. He sincerely requested the international community to impose sanctions against the Hong Kong government and the Chinese government for violation of human rights.

Body:

Honcques revealed that he had applied for political asylum at London Heathrow Airport in late June. He explained, "China's Evil National Security Law is a blatant violation of freedom of speech and human rights", and he would face political persecution by reason of his political opinion in Hong Kong.

Honcques said he had been already politically persecuted by the Hong Kong government. In November 2017, he was a secondary school student, and first grabbed headline when he demonstrated against Carrie Lam with Hong Kong Independence slogan during a photography opportunity. After that, he was subject to politically motivated arrest, prosecution, and imprisonment by the Hong Kong government. He concluded that he had been highly politically targeted by the Hong Kong government.

Honcques said, in July last year, he went to the UK Consulate and the US Consulate to request the UK and the US to impose sanctions against some pro-China politicians who violated the freedom of Hongkongers. In August last year, he published his book 輕論時政, approving of Hong Kong independence, and criticising the Hong Kong government. He discerned, he would be politically persecuted by the Hong Kong government and the Chinese government, with China's Evil National Security Law.

Honcques mentioned that Simon Cheng and Haven Assistance had been assisting him in the political asylum process, arranging a solicitor for him and answering his questions about daily life in the UK. He said he was grateful to Simon Cheng and Haven Assistance. He suggested, Hong Kong protesters in exile in Great Britain seek assistance from Haven Assistance.

Honcques said he was very appreciative of all the support the UK government and Members of Parliament had given the Hong Kong democratic protesters. Honcques also described that the UK government had been treating him excellently, including arranging for him to stay in an accommodation and offering three good meals a day to him free of charge as well.

Honcques stated, he could breathe free air and enjoy the freedom of speech in Great Britain. And in Great Britain, he would not be persecuted and threatened by the Hong Kong government and the Chinese government any longer. However, he was really angry that the Hong Kong government and the Chinese government violating the freedom of Hongkongers. "Hong Kong obviously belongs to Hongkongers, not China's communist bandits. Unfortunately, China's communist bandits still occupy Hong Kong, and Hongkongers have to leave their homeland." Honcques said.

Honcques sincerely requested all the countries, including the United Kingdom, the United States, the European Union, Taiwan, Japan and all civilized nations, to impose sanctions against human rights violators of the Hong Kong government and the Chinese government, including immigration bans, asset freezes and trade sanctions. He explained that the sanctions could defend the freedom of speech and human rights of Hongkongers and to make tyrants pay the price for oppression. "China's Evil National Security Law, moreover, offends everyone around the globe, as it is probably applied to anyone, who is courageous to criticise the bad policy of Hong Kong or China." Honcques also clarified.

Honcques also pointed out that the recent Hong Kong government's use of China's national security laws to persecute independents in Hong Kong is distinctly a violation of freedom of speech and a humanitarian disaster. "If I haven't moved to the UK promptly, then I would be politically arrested and persecuted by the Hong Kong government today." Honcques said.

-The photo was taken by Honcques Laus and could be used freely.

Enquiry or Interview:
HoncquesParle@protonmail.com

泰晤士報人物專訪【Joshua Wong interview: Xi won’t win this battle, says Hong Kong activist】

Beijing believes punitive prison sentences will put an end to pro-democracy protests. It couldn’t be more wrong, the 23-year-old says.

https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/joshua-wong-interview-xi-wont-win-this-battle-says-hong-kong-activist-p52wlmd0t

For Joshua Wong, activism began early and in his Hong Kong school canteen. The 13-year-old was so appalled by the bland, oily meals served for lunch at the United Christian College that he organised a petition to lobby for better fare. His precocious behaviour earned him and his parents a summons to the headmaster’s office. His mother played peacemaker, but the episode delivered a valuable message to the teenage rebel.

“It was an important lesson in political activism,” Wong concluded. “You can try as hard as you want, but until you force them to pay attention, those in power won’t listen to you.”

It was also the first stage in a remarkable journey that has transformed the bespectacled, geeky child into the globally recognised face of Hong Kong’s struggle for democracy. Wong is the most prominent international advocate for the protests that have convulsed the former British colony since last summer.

At 23, few people would have the material for a memoir. But that is certainly not a problem for Wong, whose book, #UnfreeSpeech, will be published in Britain this week.

We meet in a cafe in the Admiralty district, amid the skyscrapers of Hong Kong’s waterfront, close to the site of the most famous scenes in his decade of protest. Wong explains that he remains optimistic about his home city’s prospects in its showdown with the might of communist China under President Xi Jinping.

“It’s not enough just to be dissidents or youth activists. We really need to enter politics and make some change inside the institution,” says Wong, hinting at his own ambitions to pursue elected office.

He has been jailed twice for his activism. He could face a third stint as a result of a case now going through the courts, a possibility he treats with equanimity. “Others have been given much longer sentences,” he says. Indeed, 7,000 people have been arrested since the protests broke out some seven months ago; 1,000 of them have been charged, with many facing a sentence of as much as 10 years.

There is a widespread belief that Beijing hopes such sentences will dampen support for future protests. Wong brushes off that argument. “It’s gone too far. Who would imagine that Generation Z and the millennials would be confronting rubber bullets and teargas, and be fully engaged in politics, instead of Instagram or Snapchat? The Hong Kong government may claim the worst is over, but Hong Kong will never be peaceful as long as police violence persists.”

In Unfree Speech, Wong argues that China is not only Hong Kong’s problem (the book’s subtitle is: The Threat to Global Democracy and Why We Must Act, Now). “It is an urgent message that people need to defend their rights, against China and other authoritarians, wherever they live,” he says.

At the heart of the book are Wong’s prison writings from a summer spent behind bars in 2017. Each evening in his cell, “I sat on my hard bed and put pen to paper under dim light” to tell his story.

Wong was born in October 1996, nine months before Britain ceded control of Hong Kong to Beijing. That makes him a fire rat, the same sign of the Chinese zodiac that was celebrated on the first day of the lunar new year yesterday. Fire rats are held to be adventurous, rebellious and garrulous. Wong is a Christian and does not believe in astrology, but those personality traits seem close to the mark.

His parents are Christians — his father quit his job in IT to become a pastor, while his mother works at a community centre that provides counselling — and named their son after the prophet who led the Israelites to the promised land.

Like many young people in Hong Kong, whose housing market has been ranked as the world’s most unaffordable, he still lives at home, in South Horizons, a commuter community on the south side of the main island.

Wong was a dyslexic but talkative child, telling jokes in church groups and bombarding his elders with questions about their faith. “By speaking confidently, I was able to make up for my weaknesses,” he writes. “The microphone loved me and I loved it even more.”

In 2011, he and a group of friends, some of whom are his fellow activists today, launched Scholarism, a student activist group, to oppose the introduction of “moral and national education” to their school curriculum — code for communist brainwashing, critics believed. “I lived the life of Peter Parker,” he says. “Like Spider-Man’s alter-ego, I went to class during the day and rushed out to fight evil after school.”

The next year, the authorities issued a teaching manual that hailed the Chinese Communist Party as an “advanced and selfless regime”. For Wong, “it confirmed all our suspicions and fears about communist propaganda”.

In August 2012, members of Scholarism launched an occupation protest outside the Hong Kong government’s headquarters. Wong told a crowd of 120,000 students and parents: “Tonight we have one message and one message only: withdraw the brainwashing curriculum. We’ve had enough of this government. Hong Kongers will prevail.”

Remarkably, the kids won. Leung Chun-ying, the territory’s chief executive at the time, backed down. Buoyed by their success, the youngsters of Scholarism joined forces with other civil rights groups to protest about the lack of progress towards electing the next chief executive by universal suffrage — laid out as a goal in the Basic Law, Hong Kong’s constitution. Their protests culminated in the “umbrella movement” occupation of central Hong Kong for 79 days in 2014.

Two years later, Wong and other leaders set up a political group, Demosisto. He has always been at pains to emphasise he is not calling for independence — a complete red line for Beijing. Demosisto has even dropped the words “self-determination” from its stated goals — perhaps to ease prospects for its candidates in elections to Legco, the territory’s legislative council, in September.

Wong won’t say whether he will stand himself, but he is emphatically political, making a plea for change from within — not simply for anger on the streets — and for stepping up international pressure: “I am one of the facilitators to let the voices of Hong Kong people be heard in the international community, especially since 2016.”

There are tensions between moderates and radicals. Some of the hardliners on the streets last year considered Wong already to be part of the Establishment, a backer of the failed protests of the past.

So why bother? What’s the point of a city of seven million taking on one of the world’s nastiest authoritarian states, with a population of about 1.4 billion? And in any case, won’t it all be over in 2047, the end of the “one country, two systems” deal agreed between China and Britain, which was supposed to guarantee a high degree of autonomy for another 50 years? Does he fear tanks and a repetition of the Tiananmen Square killings?

Wong acknowledges there are gloomy scenarios but remains a robust optimist. “Freedom and democracy can prevail in the same way that they did in eastern Europe, even though before the Berlin Wall fell, few people believed it would happen.”

He is tired of the predictions of think-tank pundits, journalists and the like. Three decades ago, with the implosion of communism in the Soviet bloc, many were confidently saying that the demise of the people’s republic was only a matter of time. Jump forward 20 years, amid the enthusiasm after the Beijing Olympics, and they were predicting market reforms and a growing middle class would presage liberalisation.

Neither scenario has unfolded, Wong notes. “They are pretending to hold the crystal ball to predict the future, but look at their record and it is clear no one knows what will happen by 2047. Will the Communist Party even still exist?”

https://www.penguin.co.uk/books/111/1119445/unfree-speech

【《金融時報》深度長訪】

今年做過數百外媒訪問，若要說最能反映我思緒和想法的訪問，必然是《金融時報》的這一個，沒有之一。

在排山倒海的訪問裡，這位記者能在短短個半小時裡，刻畫得如此傳神，值得睇。

Joshua Wong plonks himself down on a plastic stool across from me. He is there for barely 10 seconds before he leaps up to greet two former high school classmates in the lunchtime tea house melee. He says hi and bye and then bounds back. Once again I am facing the young man in a black Chinese collared shirt and tan shorts who is proving such a headache for the authorities in Beijing.

So far, it’s been a fairly standard week for Wong. On a break from a globe-trotting, pro-democracy lobbying tour, he was grabbed off the streets of Hong Kong and bundled into a minivan. After being arrested, he appeared on the front pages of the world’s newspapers and was labelled a “traitor” by China’s foreign ministry.

He is very apologetic about being late for lunch.

Little about Wong, the face of Hong Kong’s democracy movement, can be described as ordinary: neither his Nobel Peace Prize nomination, nor his three stints in prison. Five years ago, his face was plastered on the cover of Time magazine; in 2017, he was the subject of a hit Netflix documentary, Joshua: Teenager vs Superpower. And he’s only 23.

We’re sitting inside a Cantonese teahouse in the narrow back streets near Hong Kong’s parliament, where he works for a pro-democracy lawmaker. It’s one of the most socially diverse parts of the city and has been at the heart of five months of unrest, which has turned into a battle for Hong Kong’s future. A few weekends earlier I covered clashes nearby as protesters threw Molotov cocktails at police, who fired back tear gas. Drunk expats looked on, as tourists rushed by dragging suitcases.

The lunch crowd pours into the fast-food joint, milling around as staff set up collapsible tables on the pavement. Construction workers sit side-by-side with men sweating in suits, chopsticks in one hand, phones in the other. I scan the menu: instant noodles with fried egg and luncheon meat, deep fried pork chops, beef brisket with radish. Wong barely glances at it before selecting the hometown fried rice and milk tea, a Hong Kong speciality with British colonial roots, made with black tea and evaporated or condensed milk.

“I always order this,” he beams, “I love this place, it’s the only Cantonese teahouse in the area that does cheap, high-quality milk tea.” I take my cue and settle for the veggie and egg fried rice and a lemon iced tea as the man sitting on the next table reaches over to shake Wong’s hand. Another pats him on the shoulder as he brushes by to pay the bill.

Wong has been a recognisable face in this city since he was 14, when he fought against a proposal from the Hong Kong government to introduce a national education curriculum that would teach that Chinese Communist party rule was “superior” to western-style democracy. The government eventually backed down after more than 100,000 people took to the streets. Two years later, Wong rose to global prominence when he became the poster boy for the Umbrella Movement, in which tens of thousands of students occupied central Hong Kong for 79 days to demand genuine universal suffrage.

That movement ended in failure. Many of its leaders were sent to jail, among them Wong. But the seeds of activism were planted in the generation of Hong Kongers who are now back on the streets, fighting for democracy against the world’s most powerful authoritarian state. The latest turmoil was sparked by a controversial extradition bill but has evolved into demands for true suffrage and a showdown with Beijing over the future of Hong Kong. The unrest in the former British colony, which was handed over to China in 1997, represents the biggest uprising on Chinese soil since the 1989 pro-democracy movement in Beijing. Its climax, of course, was the Tiananmen Square massacre, when hundreds, perhaps thousands, of people were killed.

“We learnt a lot of lessons from the Umbrella Movement: how to deal with conflict between the more moderate and progressive camps, how to be more organic, how to be less hesitant,” says Wong. “Five years ago the pro-democracy camp was far more cautious about seeking international support because they were afraid of pissing off Beijing.”

Wong doesn’t appear to be afraid of irking China. Over the past few months, he has lobbied on behalf of the Hong Kong protesters to governments around the world. In the US, he testified before Congress and urged lawmakers to pass an act in support of the Hong Kong protesters — subsequently approved by the House of Representatives with strong bipartisan support. In Germany, he made headlines when he suggested two baby pandas in the Berlin Zoo be named “Democracy” and “Freedom.” He has been previously barred from entering Malaysia and Thailand due to pressure from Beijing, and a Singaporean social worker was recently convicted and fined for organising an event at which Wong spoke via Skype.

The food arrives almost immediately. I struggle to tell our orders apart. Two mouthfuls into my egg and cabbage fried rice, I regret not ordering the instant noodles with luncheon meat.

In August, a Hong Kong newspaper controlled by the Chinese Communist party published a photo of Julie Eadeh, an American diplomat, meeting pro-democracy student leaders including Wong. The headline accused “foreign forces” of igniting a revolution in Hong Kong. “Beijing says I was trained by the CIA and the US marines and I am a CIA agent. [I find it] quite boring because they have made up these kinds of rumours for seven years [now],” he says, ignoring his incessantly pinging phone.

Another thing that bores him? The media. Although Wong’s messaging is always on point, his appraisal of journalists in response to my questions is piercing and cheeky. “In 15-minute interviews I know journalists just need soundbites that I’ve repeated lots of times before. So I’ll say things like ‘I have no hope [as regards] the regime but I have hope towards the people.’ Then the journalists will say ‘oh that’s so impressive!’ And I’ll say ‘yes, I’m a poet.’ ”

And what about this choice of restaurant? “Well, I knew I couldn’t pick a five-star hotel, even though the Financial Times is paying and I know you can afford it,” he says grinning. “It’s better to do this kind of interview in a Hong Kong-style restaurant. This is the place that I conducted my first interview after I left prison.” Wong has spent around 120 days in prison in total, including on charges of unlawful assembly.

“My fellow prisoners would tell me about how they joined the Umbrella Movement and how they agreed with our beliefs. I think prisoners are more aware of the importance of human rights,” he says, adding that even the prison wardens would share with him how they had joined protests.

“Even the triad members in prison support democracy. They complain how the tax on cigarettes is extremely high and the tax on red wine is extremely low; it just shows how the upper-class elite lives here,” he says, as a waiter strains to hear our conversation. Wong was most recently released from jail in June, the day after the largest protests in the history of Hong Kong, when an estimated 2m people — more than a quarter of the territory’s 7.5m population — took to the streets.

Raised in a deeply religious family, he used to travel to mainland China every two years with his family and church literally to spread the gospel. As with many Hong Kong Chinese who trace their roots to the mainland, he doesn’t know where his ancestral village is. His lasting memory of his trips across the border is of dirty toilets, he tells me, mid-bite. He turned to activism when he realised praying didn’t help much.

“The gift from God is to have independence of mind and critical thinking; to have our own will and to make our own personal judgments. I don’t link my religious beliefs with my political judgments. Even Carrie Lam is Catholic,” he trails off, in a reference to Hong Kong’s leader. Lam has the lowest approval rating of any chief executive in the history of the city, thanks to her botched handling of the crisis.

I ask whether Wong’s father, who is also involved in social activism, has been a big influence. Wrong question.

“The western media loves to frame Joshua Wong joining the fight because of reading the books of Nelson Mandela or Martin Luther King or because of how my parents raised me. In reality, I joined street activism not because of anyone book I read. Why do journalists always assume anyone who strives for a better society has a role model?” He glances down at his pinging phone and draws a breath, before continuing. “Can you really describe my dad as an activist? I support LGBTQ rights,” he says, with a fist pump. His father, Roger Wong, is a well-known anti-gay rights campaigner in Hong Kong.

I notice he has put down his spoon, with half a plate of fried rice untouched. I decide it would be a good idea to redirect our conversation by bonding over phone addictions. Wong, renowned for his laser focus and determination, replies to my emails and messages at all hours and has been described by his friends as “a robot.”

He scrolls through his Gmail, his inbox filled with unread emails, showing me how he categorises interview requests with country tags. His life is almost solely dedicated to activism. “My friends and I used to go to watch movies and play laser tag but now of course we don’t have time to play any more: we face real bullets every weekend.”

The protests — which have seen more than 3,300 people arrested — have been largely leaderless. “Do you ever question your relevance to the movement?” I venture, mid-spoonful of congealed fried rice.

“Never,” he replies with his mouth full. “We have a lot of facilitators in this movement and I’m one of them . . . it’s just like Wikipedia. You don’t know who the contributors are behind a Wikipedia page but you know there’s a lot of collaboration and crowdsourcing. Instead of just having a top-down command, we now have a bottom-up command hub which has allowed the movement to last far longer than Umbrella.

“With greater power comes greater responsibility, so the question is how, through my role, can I express the voices of the frontliners, of the street activism? For example, I defended the action of storming into the Legislative Council on July 1. I know I didn’t storm in myself . . . ” His phone pings twice. Finally he succumbs.

After tapping away for about 30 seconds, Wong launches back into our conversation, sounding genuinely sorry that he wasn’t there on the night when protesters destroyed symbols of the Chinese Communist party and briefly occupied the chamber.

“My job is to be the middleman to express, evaluate and reveal what is going on in the Hong Kong protests when the movement is about being faceless,” he says, adding that his Twitter storm of 29 tweets explaining the July 1 occupation reached at least four million people. I admit that I am overcome with exhaustion just scanning his Twitter account, which has more than 400,000 followers. “Well, that thread was actually written by Jeffrey Ngo from Demosisto,” he say, referring to the political activism group that he heads.

A network of Hong Kong activists studying abroad helps fuel his relentless public persona on social media and in the opinion pages of international newspapers. Within a week of his most recent arrest, he had published op-eds in The Economist, The New York Times, Quartz and the Apple Daily.

I wonder out loud if he ever feels overwhelmed at taking on the Chinese Communist party, a task daunting even for some of the world’s most formidable governments and companies. He peers at me over his wire-framed glasses. “It’s our responsibility; if we don’t do it, who will? At least we are not in Xinjiang or Tibet; we are in Hong Kong,” he says, referring to two regions on Chinese soil on the frontline of Beijing’s drive to develop a high-tech surveillance state. In Xinjiang, at least one million people are being held in internment camps. “Even though we’re directly under the rule of Beijing, we have a layer of protection because we’re recognised as a global city so [Beijing] is more hesitant to act.”

I hear the sound of the wok firing up in the kitchen and ask him the question on everyone’s minds in Hong Kong: what happens next? Like many people who are closely following the extraordinary situation in Hong Kong, he is hesitant to make firm predictions.

“Lots of think-tanks around the world say ‘Oh, we’re China experts. We’re born in western countries but we know how to read Chinese so we’re familiar with Chinese politics.’ They predicted the Communist party would collapse after the Tiananmen Square massacre and they’ve kept predicting this over the past three decades but hey, now it’s 2019 and we’re still under the rule of Beijing, ha ha,” he grins.

While we are prophesying, does Wong ever think he might become chief executive one day? “No local journalist in Hong Kong would really ask this question,” he admonishes. As our lunch has progressed, he has become bolder in dissecting my interview technique. The territory’s chief executive is currently selected by a group of 1,200, mostly Beijing loyalists, and he doubts the Chinese Communist party would ever allow him to run. A few weeks after we meet he announces his candidacy in the upcoming district council elections. He was eventually the only candidate disqualified from running — an order that, after our lunch, he tweeted had come from Beijing and was “clearly politically driven”.

We turn to the more ordinary stuff of 23-year-olds’ lives, as Wong slurps the remainder of his milk tea. “Before being jailed, the thing I was most worried about was that I wouldn’t be able to watch Avengers: Endgame,” he says.

“Luckily, it came out around early May so I watched it two weeks before I was locked up in prison.” He has already quoted Spider-Man twice during our lunch. I am unsurprised when Wong picks him as his favourite character.

“I think he’s more . . . ” He pauses, one of the few times in the interview. “Compared to having an unlimited superpower or unlimited power or unlimited talent just like Superman, I think Spider-Man is more human.” With that, our friendly neighbourhood activist dashes off to his next interview.

又到了我們快問快答30問，本週是「履歷」問題
粉絲還是依然很踴躍！我們精選30個最常有人提出的問題

你中了幾個呢？

ps. 影片中，「不簡單的自傳」，今天 涵寶寶 也完成文章，供大家參考：如何寫好自傳 https://www.blink.com.tw/board/post/83259/

#instagram #限時動態 #履歷

----------------------------------
｜涵寶寶我有問題｜
想問什麼想被罵醒什麼，都可以到粉專、IG私訊
或是寄信到 service@blink.com.tw來跟我們講悄悄話
標題打「涵寶寶我有問題」，我們將會替你解答

｜合作邀約｜
service@blink.com.tw

｜相關連結｜
訂閱BIG Student 粉專：https://www.facebook.com/blinkstudentboard/
訂閱BIG Student IG：https://bigstudent.tw/yQXaf
訂閱來一杯加了苦味的職場濃湯 Han：https://www.instagram.com/hanworksoup/

----------------------------------
◎此非合作贊助影片
----------------------------------
如果你喜歡這隻影片，別忘了訂閱或按個喜歡喔！

準備面試已經夠辛苦，沒想到攜帶品也不容忽視
對於新手還是會很緊張，不僅會到處爬文，還很怕自己漏帶了什麼

這支影片就來介紹我自己去面試時會帶的東西

#面試 #面試攜帶品 #涵寶寶

----------------------------------
｜涵寶寶我有問題｜
想問什麼想被罵醒什麼，都可以到粉專、IG私訊
或是寄信到 service@blink.com.tw來跟我們講悄悄話
標題打「涵寶寶我有問題」，我們將會替你解答

｜合作邀約｜
service@blink.com.tw

｜相關連結｜
訂閱BIG Student 粉專：https://www.facebook.com/blinkstudentboard/
訂閱BIG Student IG：https://bigstudent.tw/yQXaf
訂閱來一杯加了苦味的職場濃湯 Han：https://www.instagram.com/hanworksoup/

----------------------------------
◎此非合作贊助影片
----------------------------------
如果你喜歡這隻影片，別忘了訂閱或按個喜歡喔！

全新單元～隆重當場！！
限動的留言我們都有收到
選了30個最容易碰到的問題

你中了幾個呢？

#instagram #限時動態 #面試
----------------------------------
｜涵寶寶我有問題｜
想問什麼想被罵醒什麼，都可以到粉專、IG私訊
或是寄信到 service@blink.com.tw來跟我們講悄悄話
標題打「涵寶寶我有問題」，我們將會替你解答

｜合作邀約｜
service@blink.com.tw

｜相關連結｜
訂閱來一杯加了苦味的職場濃湯 Han：https://www.instagram.com/hanworksoup/
訂閱BIG Student 粉專：https://www.facebook.com/blinkstudentboard/
訂閱BIG Student IG：https://bigstudent.tw/yQXaf
----------------------------------
◎此非合作贊助影片
----------------------------------
如果你喜歡這隻影片，別忘了訂閱或按個喜歡喔！